Address Of The Liberty Party In The Representative District,...

In entering the field as a distinct political party, we feel willing to a6sign our renaons for pursuing our present course. Our grand object, wc would State at the uuise, Í9, to bring back this government io a practical recognilion of the fundamental principies upan which it was founded. It is, in our opinión, the decay of those principies in the minds of the people and of their constituted ruléis in our halls oj legislation, thut furnishes the occasion for such serious alarm, and calis for such energetic and thorough reform. We are happy here to declare, ihat we are rirm believcrs in the eelf-evident truths of the American Declaration of lndependence; that all men are created free and equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable righis, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That we muy do something in our humble ephere to influence the freeman of this Representative District, as weil as the country generally, to a thorough adoption of those principies, we now unfurl lo the breezes ol heaven, the hunner ofholy, equal, and impartial iberty. As much, however, as we abhor slavery and the impudent and enormous encroachmeiits of the slave power, we seek not its overthrow, only by constiiutional means. h is a doctrine, not of the aholitionists alone, but is believed and has been promulguted by sotne of the most eminent jurista in the land, that Congress has the constttutional right of abolishing slavery in the District ot' Columbia and the territories, and of abolishing also the slave trade between the suites. This being done, who does not sec that the system would receive its dcath blow? Our conslilulion nnd political powers for bearing on the subject of slavery, do not stop here. Ws aro enlitled to the right of petition,and of untrammeled discussion - and it would be no violation of the social compact to secure ibr the fugitive slavo a trial by jury, and for the free people of color the right of impartial suffrage. We make our boast of being in a free land, while t is (rué, as a matter of fact, that the 6lave power controla and governs us. Aa evidetice of this we present the following facts. During the fifty-two yeara of our national history, under the presen, constitution, the office of President has been held by a slaveholder forty years; nnd four yeara more, in addition, by a northern man wilh southern principies. The slave power has held the supremaoy in our nalional councila during the entire period of our national exislence, and under the administration ofall the contending partiws that have, in turn, ruled over ihe'destinics of the country. Under the reignof the slave power over this nation, we have witnessed the national diplomacy, and the treaty making power unifonnly and efficiently subservientto the interesta of slavery, at the expense of the national interests and the national honor. The elave power has moulded the mensures of the national governraent in all ita internal regulations, and its political economy in subserviency to the wishes of the slaveholders, and in opposition to the interests and general wishes of the nonilaveholding states. Ithas e8tablished a National Baak- then declared it uncon9titutional and broke il down; ogain re-established it, and again broken itdown at its pleasure, just as ita own suj;posed interestsmightsoem, for the lime being, torequire. It has proscribed and prohibited foreign commerce - il has clamored for domestic manufactures and a protective tariff: again it has demanded and obtained the abandonment of that policy nnd a return lo froe trade, on the threat of iho dissolulion ol the union, unless the free labor Btates would concedo to the demnnd. In all this it has manifestly sought to preserve the balance of power betwecn the impoverished South, and the more prosperous and industrious North, by crippling the energiea of the latter, and reducinj, them, as nearly as possible, to a level with the former. Nor could the General Government pre vent, f it would, the free laboring Norll from suffering immense pecuniary lossea from the slave holding South, oihcrwise than by contributing the aid of itsconstitu lional authority for the overthrow of slavery itself; forthere isabundantdata for the belief that no slaveholding community, re lying on slave labor for its agricultura products, ever supported, or can support itself, but by direct or indirect supplies from, or depredations upon other communitie?, with which it holde intercourse. God ncverintended thatone half or two thirds of community should subeist upen the unrequited labor of the other half. A slight acquaintance with bistory may aasure ua that it never yet has been done and a very moderate stock of commor seiisc and common arithmetic may servo to convince any candid enquirer that it never can be done. Boston was overwhelmed wilh eudden and unexpected bankruptcy in 1823, because she had iold her do mestic manufactures and imponed goode to the Soutb,and the South was unable te payA similar visitalion, connected in par with the cotton speculations (commeneei at the South and ended at the North) in 1626, was inflicted upou the city of New York. Again, in 1837, more than one hundred millionsof dollars was lost to the city of New York, nnd to other northern cities, lownn and villages, ia proportion from asimilar cause. Northern funds, toa vast amount, have been engulphed and lost forever in the Pontine marshes oL Soutbern Banks ant Southern State Stocks. It is now well known that the late Uni led States Bank, (of Pennaylvonia,) was ruined chiefly by its connection wilh the slaveholding South. Nor are mere pecuniary burdens and embarrassments, the sole oi the most grievous items in our catalogue of complaints. The same slave power that plunders our purse?, has declarad open war upon our civil, pulitical and religious frecdom. Already is our right of petition cloven down, and the lawiess violence, riots,mobs, ursons, lynchings and murders, with which the slttve power has attempted to fortify itself, both in the ftee and slave states, instead of having beendiscountenanced and checked by our national and state governments, have been counieuanced by the tone of executive messages, and by the action of the Post üilice Department of the Federal Government. At no former period of our national history luis it become so fully demonstrated as at present, that no national administration will ever break the bonds ol the slave power thut has hitherlo controlled us, unless it be un administration that comes in-I to power for thia diatinci end) oud uported for this object as being of pnramount claims, and of all controlliog importance. That the late ao'ministration waschain ed lo tho car of the slave power, we need not waste time lo mako manifest. Equally plain is it that the admiuistration which succeeded il on the 4th of Murch last, was eqaally euppliant and servile. Both the prominent political partiei, then, muat be regarded as permanently hostile to the great interests of human freedonv Whatever good they may propose to accomplish, the support of the fundamental principies of liberty cannot bo reckoned as within th range of their endeavors. Whatever abuse they may promise to remove, they stand fully and equally pledged to the support of the greatest abuse, and the greatest civil, political and moral evil wtih which the nalion 3 djs- graced and burdened. It is in view of these facta, then, that wo have been induced to raise our standard, that we now cali upon uil those who wish wel! to thcir country and to their race, to break away frcm thcollora and trammels of tho two prominent and ncurably corrupt polilical parties, and rally witb us. around the banner of universal and impar lial liberté}