Messrs. Editors:- Your correspondent take8 me to task for commendiog the conduct of Senator Porteron on a late occasion. There is however lesB diflerence between ua than appear at first sight. Ho condemns the Senator for what he did not do; l do the same but th'iB censure he shares with every member from the free states. I coameud him for what he did do, notonly without the countenance of any of his northern bxethren, but again8t their open opposition, How fr he was bound to go single and alone, i another question- and upon a bootless rrand too. What are we to say of other northern members; - what are we toay of hia colleague, all frowning upon hta ttempt to substituto cunstitutiontil lanuage - terms common to the North and outh, for slaveholding phraseology ? He ared to be singular in a good cause, amid host of ibes, and for this I "honor" him. ?or his deficiences or mnl-praclices Ileave Ã¯irn to willint; that strici justice ie dealt out to htm, but desirous that the ame even-handed juslice be dealt to all. ?hat Mr. P. is "unequal to thÃ© great cvents near at hand;" is a proposition iii.it sÃmil not disputo; but in the name of ommon sense aud sound pulicv, Messrs. Ã¯ditors, let us not fall intothe vile practices of party hacks,- that of finding fault vith any thing and every thing alike that s done or proposed by our opponents. - But enough on this point. A crisis is undoubtedly at hand. Every thing shows that matters at our seat of Governmeni cannot long remain in their iresent state. The Southern members Ã¯ave committed themselves in case of the CreÃ³le. The clear Ãªense of the North is ngainst them; and they cannot help seeng that we are not to be dragooned iato a war in support of slavery. Conscious of the weakneBS of their cause, the administratiou, it appear8, have beeti very lukowarm in demanding explanationand satis :action of the British Government for the wrong done in the matter of the CreÃ³le. - The response of the British Government is in substance as well known as if t were already before us: they neither can noi will deliverup those who have flcd to themfor protection nor recognize a claim cf property in them. Those who are en Bril" ish sou, accused of crime will be tried byBritish law,andby this law the so called mutineers musÃ be acquitted. Is Great Briiain going lo aliÃ©nate, if no exaspÃ©rate her million of dark subjects bj treating as criminal a beroic act ofthei brethren? Ia this nauo going to declare war in order to punish Great Britnin for maintaining the supretnacy of her own laws upon her own soil? Ridiculous! - And yet ibis is what Southern politicians demand. It is itnpossible to avoid being slrucl with the altered tone of the Souihern delegation on the subject of the Union. - They now acknowledgo what indeed must long ogo have been evident to every thinking man among them, that the dissolution of the Union is the destruction of slavery. Draw the line where you will, the slavein all the border regiÃ³n is vnlue less. No slate surely will keep up the name of slavery and support the burden of slave laws, "when the substance is gnne forever. What follows? Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky will emancÃpate and Tennesse will ioin them. North Carolinaand others vvtll thcn be border blatcs, os respects a free population, and the apprehension of slaves n tbe midst of a free colored population compriaing ono half the inhnbitants I tako to be an impossibilily. Hcre ihen ia ihe darling insiitution abolisbed by the dissolution of the Union. This weapon of terror so long wielded by the South bas now changed hands. It has been a potent weapon- its very flash bas often ecared the Norlh from her propriety. The debates on the trial (!)of John Quincy Adams demÃ³nstrale that we have at last got possession of it. Mny it prove as effectual (wilhout being brought actually to the test) in our hands for the extinction as it has proved in that of our adversaries for the tnaintenance of the "neculiar instilution!"