Selections: Birney Is The Man
A very large portion of each of the oÃd politÃcal parties. are deeply disaffected with their party candÃdates, and held to their allegiance solely by their hostility to the opposite party and its candidates. We assert boldly that each of those parties is held together by nothing but hostility to the other. Take away this externa] pressurc, and there is not inward cohesión enough in either to keep up their ranks. Tens of. thousands of VV higs now propose to vote for Clay for no. other reason in the world but the fear that if they withhold their vote, "the Locofocos will gct it." And tens of thousands of Democrats will voto for Polk only because they think if they do not vote "the ticket, "the W higs will gct it." In all Ãrobability, a majority of both parties are n this position. Why should they not be? There is nothing in the candidates of either party to give tliem a strong hold )ei-sonally on he people, and nothing in he mcasures proposed by either which is calculcited toawaken any deep or extensive interest politically. Multitudes of Democrats honeslly sup)osed their leaders meant something in passing resokltions ngainst Texas, and in tjheir declarations that after the shameles desertion of Van Buren by the Southern States, in the face of all his humiliations to please thein, they never would subtnit to be dictated to by slaveholders again. These people are now mortifÃed and. chagrined beyond measure at the position in which the party was placed and eft by the Baltimore Gonvention. And yet they know not u-hat to do, for if they don't vote the ticket, it will go for Clay. On the other hand. multitudesof Whïgs supposed they bad made a good riddance ot Clay {prever, when he was rejected by he Harrisburg convention of 1839. -What they saw of Clay's management a: the leader in Congress at the extra ses sion in 1841, satisfied them that, howevei brillianthis talents, he was not fit to.govern fhe country. And when the wire workers contri ved to "set the ball a rolling" lor Clay in 1842. they confidently expected that so barefaced a piece of intrigue weuld kill itself before voting time carne on. And now they are in a dilemma, forClay is nominated, with Freliñghuysen forced upon them by the slaveolders, and yet if they don't vote the cket, itwillgo for Polk. Then again, the only pointe on which ie two parties are committed to DO any ling, are points in regard to which the reat body of intelligent members of both e firmly opposed to the position of their espective partios. The only thing the Vhigs really propose to DO, as a distincte and definite measure y et to be carried, to éstablish a {Ãnational currency," - a fraudulent. expression to conceal the real intent of creating an old iashioned NATIONAL BANK. On thïs point, Mr. Clay's Raleigh speech is full, and yet he knows that the whole body of the North are now opposed to it, and he therefore begs them to submitio itfor the sake of the Somh and West. Now many Whigs of the North would.be glad to vote against Polk and Texas, and against a bank too, if they could. On the other hand, the only definite and distinctive measure to which the Democratie party is committed, is the annexation of Texas. Andto this, even after all the falsehoods that have been circulated, the bulk ol the party is firmly opposed, and they would be glad if they thought they could vote against Clay añd a bank, and against Texas too.To all these, we say that Birney is the man. A vote for Birney isa vote ngainst Clay and the bank. It is equally a vote against Polk and Texas. A vote for Birney is the only correct expression of the sentirnents and wishes of the great body of people in the free States, on the great political questions of the day. It leav es the question of the tariffjust where it is, to stand as it is, until Congress, actingby counsel, and not under the maddening influence of party spirit, shallsee ÃU to alter it for the common good. It secures a government pledged to the interest of Cree labor - the only real national interest, equally in all seetions. the South as well as the North, the West as well as the Easf. It is a vote against slaveholding dictation and slaveholding extravagance. in favor of peace with all nations, entangling alliances or degrading 1 tions with none. It is a vote against Clay and Polk, because they are slaveholders, i despots, supporters af slavery,antagonists to the interests of free labor, and ,j petent to guide the destihies of a free i country. It is a vote against a bank, i cause a bank is only wanted to' transfer i the accumulated capital of free labor to' i supply the deficiencies and wastes óf t slave labor. It ia a vote against Texas, Ã- - because Texas is only wanted as a balance weight to secure the political ascendancy of slavery, and a nmrket for those whó live by breeding slaves for the shambles. A vote for Clay is not a vote against Texas. The Whig party is not committed, as a party, against Texas. The great body of Whigs at the South are in favor of annexation, and yot are every where admitted to be just as good Whigs as any others. The fact that those who are in favor of Texas vote for Clay, shows that such a vote does ' not teil asa testimony against Texas. Mr. Clay, in his ;'Chart of Whig Principies," delivered at Raleigh, and wriltcn out since his noviinalion, does not go against Texas, does not even mention Texas. Ifheis elected, with a Whig Congress, thesouthern Whigs will then dcmand annexation, and will either drive and bully and dragoon the northern Whigs to consent to it, as "thé least of two evils," and for the sake of "other great interests," orthey' will unite with the Democrats, now openly cornmilted to Texas, and carry a majority to pass the bilÃ. And then Mr. Clay. by his clamor ngainst the veto power, will be Ãqrnishejá with an apology, which his zeal for slavery will make him glad to employ, for refusing to set his single yoice, us he will cali it, in opposition to the will of the representativos of the pcople. And so Texas will come in just as easily under Clay as under Polk. The same argument will hold good with the Democrats who are opposod to Texas. Every vote yon give for Birney, is not only against Texas as a vote, but Ãt has a moral forcé which can hardly be estimated too lnghly. Observation shows that the votes given for the Liberty party have an extraordinary restraining induence on both the other parÃies. Standing as it does in a position of elevated impartiality, opposed to both alike, both in their darling measures and their darlingr candidfttes, and embodying alrcady no r less than one hundred tliousand voters, o _ the very heart of society, their vote, as ai j expression al once of their judgment a j gainst these parties and their firm deter , mination to act up to their principies, haà _ a power over the conduct of parties anc , public men, - the power of a virfuous and immoveable minority, which chailenges the cónfidence of all good men. Experience shows that as between the two great rival parties now combatting. neither one operates as a upon Ihë other; but on the contrary, is rather an incentive to drive the other to greater extremes. Suppose you vote for Polk, for the sake of opposing Clay and the bank, and f ai l, your vote will have no weight or influence to prevent a bank, orto check Clay in acting out his nature when in power. Or. suppose you vote for Clay, for the sake of opposing Polk and Texas, andfail-as you may- your vote will have not the slightest influence in preventing the annexation of Texas, or in checking any other demonstration of the spirit of a slaveholder of the south-west investe with the reins of power. But if you vote for Birney, whicheve of the other parties succeeds, they.wil feel thatthey are watched, and judged, and reported, by an influence like the records of history and the decrees of destiny. - VI e have no hesitation in avcrring ourbelief that an addilion of one hundrec thousand to the vote for Birney and Morris, from both the old parties. wil] effectually block the wheels of both these two great kindred mischiefs, Texas and the Bank. Birney is the Man. Here, then. is an opportunity to vote just as. you think; toexpress exactly what you believe the country requires; to put your vote where it will certainiy teil, wbaiever be the resul t of the now very doubtful canvass; fo vote sgainst the men and measures of your own party, whieh you drsapprove, without thereby voting or even appearing to vote in favor of the men and measures of the other partv, whic'.i you disapprove still more. In voting for Birney, you vote inore strongly against Polk and Texas than i f you voted for Clay, and more strongly ogainstClay and bank than if you voted for Polk. But we go further, and say, that asklc from all these questions, and looking simply at the administraron of the government, Birney is the man. We a-ver, that lie is better fÃtted to adminisfer the affairs â )f this nation, at this moment, with honor wid for the public than either of his lompetitors True, he is not so brilliant an orator as Mr. CJay; but there is no occasion for brilJiant oratory in Ihe Presidenfinl chair. From tnat place you look for clear,' frank, jttst, well reasoned, mild md Washington-like expositiotos öf public ifFairs; and for such, Mr. Birney is far niperïór to Mr; Clay, aá his writings- - ; show. Compare thoir two letters or Texns. But if yo take away Clay's or atory, what have you left? His wholc history, ever since he left the spcaker'i chair in 1825, isa history of defeats anc failurcs. In evèry great meastire he haj undertaken, he hos either been defeated ir carrying it. or k has failed of producing the effects he predided. We challenge an exception. He does not understand the interest? of the country, nor the genius of the people, nor the working of political nieasures. IIow can he. being a slaveholder, and so one of the aristocracy and not one of the people? Mr. Birney, who was long an adherent of the Clay school of politics, (and till measurably inclined to the same general view?,) bv emancipating his slaven, and becoming one of the people, and befaking himseÃf to laboring vvith hisown hands and brushing his own boots on the prairies of Michigan, has cörréct'èd those views, and now knows the interests and feels the sympathies of the mass of the people. His judgment, as to public measures, his power of discrimination as to the principies of justicc and of constitutional and international law. the very qualities required for the station, are superior to those of any man who has bcon a candidate for the Presidency in the last len years;- whilehis decp con.scientiouiiness and fear of God, and his strong and sclf-denying patriotism, complete the picture of THE MAN whom the times requi re. We have before alluded to Mr. Clay's course when at the head of a victorioïis party, in 1841, as proof that he cannot govern the country, because he cannot govern himself.- This subject will bë considered more fully hereafter. Asto a cómparisorà of Mr. Birney with Mr. Polk, we appeal to people along tlie Tcnnessce river who know them both. Go back to the time when Mr. Birney was solicitor general of northern Alabama, and expected to fill tho next vacancy on the bench of the Supreme Court of the State, and supposs you had then been askcd which of the two you would prefer for his auilily and worth, to be the future President of the United States? How wéie their relative positions changed? Shortly after that time, Mr. Birney deliberately withdrew from public life, onder the impulses of religión, philanthropy and patriotism, that he rnighf devote his life to ihe deliverance of his country men from chains, and his country from the curse and gtiilt of slavery.- From that time he has noà been an actor in public affairs, nor an occupant of public stations of honor or emolument. But the very impulse under which he acled has made him more than ever an interested. anxious and impartial ohserver of public events, und thus fitied him preeminently to be the head of thegovernment.And as it is only out of regard fo th great interests to which hedevoted hi'mself that ho has consented to hé a candi date lor the Presklei'cy, while bis demoeral ie antagonist is indebted to the same great question, on the othér side, for the prominence he has so unexpectedly gained, andas Polk has no claim or qualification in which Birney ïs not his superior, the issue is now fairJy presented to the democracy of this nation, whether you will have the government administered lor maintenance of slavery or for the advancement of ïiberty. May we not then say, both to VVhigs and Democrats. - to all who love their country more than their party, not only that "Birney is the man," but that BIRNEY IS THE ONLY MAN. We need not refer to the men by whom Birney would ba surrounded and sustained - 'such men as Morris, as horough a Democrat, as sagn.cious a poltician, and as upriglit a citizen as there s in the West; and Lcwis, a man cqually vise and upright, and a Whig; lo Jny. nd Stewart, and Sinilh of New York; (o iackson, and Whittier, and Carter, of Viassachusetls; to Fessenden, and May. tnd Pond, n'nd Appleton, of Maine, fee, &o.We only sny, Vote forBirnoy! And ifyou elect him now, you will be sure the government is in none but the best hands - the most wise, fhc most competent, the most faithful. Vote forBirney! And ifyou iail of electing him, yet you will be sure thnt Ãvery vote tells with tbc (lili forcé o( its moral influencc against the selfish. mischievous schemcs of both the other partios; whereas, if you vote for either of the other pnrties, and fail, as yoü may, yon. lose your vote.
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Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News