Theappearance in Congrrss o'a number of members who refuse lo walk with the great political parties with whom they have been hi'herto connecled, and who have broken loose from them solely for the purpose of n aking oppositii n t Slaverv the r paramount principie, has ecittd the attention of shrewd politicinns. They regard it,is in fact it is, the germ of a Liberty power from the North, which wil] hereafter do batile on the Slavery question with earnestness and pi.wer. - The er rrespondent ofthe Journal of Commerce savs: 'One of the great features of the s?ssion is already developed, in the appearance of a new bahinee of power party in the House - the abolition party. That party has long held ihe bil ince in some of the States in very close elections; and the House is so closely divided that the ihree abolition members miy e.xcrcisea decided influence in its legislatior. The have Northern Conservative VVhigs and the Southern Conservative Democrats have been brought by this new moveinent into harmony of action,on the great questions connected with the war, and its consequencrs." The "three Abolilion members" ofthe HousÃ¯ referrod to are Palirey, Giddings, and Tuck. Tle first named gentleman was very strongly denounced by all the Whig papers of Massachusetts, as guilty of almost unpardonable apostacy in refusing to vote for the regular VVhig candidato for Speaker. A paragraph from the Boston Atlas will exhibit the general feeling : "When first reported, fsays tbe Boston Atlas,) there was no one willing to believe it could be true. And when at last confirmed, as it has been by the full reporta of the proceedings of Monday, it is everywhere recei ved with the deepest regret and the strongest reprobation. We have received a communication from a constituent of Mr. Palfrey upon this subject, but we have not room for its publication. The writer informs us.that, so far as he hns knowledge, he has not yet seen tho first man in Mr. Palfrey's district that justifies or palliates his conduct. If this disregaid to ihe fundamental principies of Whig policy, to which, and to which alone, Mr. Palfroy owes his own election, is to he a sample of what wb may have to expect Trom that gentleman, the sooner he resigns his seat in Congress, and comes home again.the sooner will he do the most gratifying thing in his power to a large majority of those to whom he wes his eleotion." But t is represented that Mr. Palfrey was well aware of the storm this act of his would bring upon him; and haring determiced on his course from stein convictions of duty, ha will not swerre from it. Mr. Palfrey is a practical Abolitionist. He manumittad quite a number of slaves some years since, which had fallen to him by inheritance, and brought â fc â â I them to Boston, and founri thotn places for work and homes.For our part, we like tosee a mwi act out his convictions of duty on al' subjects. There is tob rrtuch Party spirit, and too little Patriotism. The man who goes with his party at all times, right or wrong, is but its slave. The National Era, spÃªaking of Mr. Palfrey, justly snys'Is such a man, acting ou( his convictions nobly ; t osh â crisisjio be dennun -ed and vilifiedf VVould to God that American politiciat.s were ofiener characlerized by that fidelity to truth whicli has nerved the hearts of such men ns Palfrey, Giddingf, Tuck, Hale, and Corwin! We need such men nt the North. ThÃ© late revolution in the Democracy of New York is the herald, we trust, of at least a partial regnneration of the political world. The South furnishes many examples of this individual freedom, which Northern men might emulate. The attribute in Mr. Calhoun we hive always ndmired, is, his complete self-relinnce. - Hemay act with a party, or control t - but over himself he asserts sole mastership. It bespeaks little fur the American People, that they have so few Represpntatives in the National Legislature who are brave enough to vindicÃ³te iheir manhood against the Tyranny of Party."