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Whig Principles

Whig Principles image
Parent Issue
Day
3
Month
November
Year
1841
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

We have paid special altention to the principies of bolh the political paaties, as declared by themselves, or developed in praclice. We do not wish to do injustice to them, howèver eager those partizans rnay be to misrepresent our views. Wc availed oureelf of the opportunity presented by the prc9ence of Senator Woodbridge, and our Representative, J. M. Ilovvard, at the Whig tnceling in this place last week, to hoar froni heod quarters what the principies ot the party really are, and what they will be. - Afler listening to those gentlemen eeveral hours, we found that the previous concluBions which we had formed, and which have boen expressed in our paper, were correct. They both represented that that party had accompUshed with one exception, all that the country had reason to expeet, and soine more. Every whig measure, the Loan Bill, Bankrupt Bill, Fortiñcation Bill, Land Bill, &c, had all been carried straight through, and werealready, or soon would be, in successful operation. Their work was all done up, except in reference to a National Bank, and what should be done on that, they did not know. They did not pretend to devise nny method by whicli it could be put through Congress immedialcly. It was possible that Mr. Tyler might propose a plan that would Batisfy the nation. Mr. Webster assured Mr. Howard the day before he left Washington, that he had hope that, a bank on a satisfactory basis might be obtained, and this hope of his seetned to be the firinest foundation there was tor anticijmting such a result.This statement of affairs was preciscly the same that we had made: that the party had now accomplished the objects for which t was formed, vvith the exception of the creation of a National Bank, and that raeasure reccived such treatment as rendered its present or future success highly improbable. It nay properly be said that the Whigs have now no prospective objects in view. Nothing as proposed by the distinguished gentlemen who spoke on this occasion. Thifl being the state of things, we take leave to represent to our whig friends, the importanco of those objects we have in view. They intimately concern the welfare of the whole people. The whigá profess to be patriots, and patriots should never cease tlieir labora while their country can be beneñted. If they have as they tbink, done great service to their generation,in the great measures of relief which they have accomplished, iet them not be weary in well do ing, but go on frotn one good work to another. A criáis is now rapidly hastening on, and is even now at the door in our national affairs, when it must be de.tertnined whether our rights and those of the oppressed shall all be aacrificed together, and Southern insolence rule over our whole land without resistance or molestation, or whether the great ènds for vhich the constituüon was formed, the establishment of justice, and the possession of the blessings of liberty shall generally be realized, by the whole population. One of these resulta will infallibly take place. Yet though the old avowed objects of the party are thusall disposed off the whig leaders begin to seo the necessity of having Borne ostensible objects in view in order to hold ihe party togelher, aud whig papers in different paris of the Union have adopted thefollowing motto, with the hope of creating a new issue, on wbich the party, can rally, It embraces Mr. Clay's sentiments and ap pears weekly in somc of the papers in thia State: OUR MOTTO. "The vvill of the nation uncontrolled by the will of one man; one Presidential term, a frugal government and no sub-treasury, open or covert, in substance or in fact; no Government Bank, but an institution capable of guarding the People's treasure and administering to the people's wants." It thus appears thatthey intend an attack on 8ome portions of the Constitution. This project however bids fair not to very popular at the South. The Charleston (S. C.) Mercury has the following against it. The politicians who concocted the Clay riTanifesto against Tyler and the Constitution, and those who approve of that revolutionary address, have struck a strong blow for the abolitionists, and a traitörous stab at the South, and will be remernbered for it." The veto power is eroinentiy a southern check, an element of southern safety. We can hardly conceive a Btate of things in which it could be cxercised prejudicially to this the minority scction of the Union, and the dangers it may avert, are always threatening. Always exposed to oppression from a legislative majority in Congress, the south should never be in favor of increasing its scope of action - should cherish as invaluable every constitutional check upon its aggrossive tendency,and be zealous to strengthen against it the executive arm. The veto is our best shield, this side uf Nullification, against consolidation - the best weapon this side of disunion against abolition."