We, the nderÃ¡igned, in dosing our duties to our constituents and country as mrinbers of the 27th Congres?, feel bound to cal! yoi r :ittenÃ¼on very briefly to the project, long entertsined by a' portion of the people of theUniied States, 6til! per:inaciou?ly adhered to, nnd intended soÃ¶ri to beconsummated-TiiR aiwbxanos of Tkxas to this Unjon. In the press of business incident to the last days of the session of Congress, we have not time, did we deem it necessary, to enter upon a detailed statement of the reasons whicli force upon our minda the conviction that this project is by no mcans abandoned ;that a large portion of the country interested in the continuance of domestic slavery and the slave trade in these United States have solemnly and unalternbly determined that il shall be zpeedily carried mto execution, and that, by this admission of a slave Territory and the Slave States, the vndue ascendency of the slavckolditig power in the Government shrtil bc eccured and rivetcd beyond all redemplion. That it was wilh these views nnd intentions that settlements were effected i the provinco by citizens of Ihe United States, difficuhips fomented with the Mexican Government, a revolt brought about, and an independent Government declared, cannot noto admit of u doubt; and that, hitherto, all altempts of Mexico to reduce her revolted provinco to obedience have proved insucceesful, is to be attributed to the unlawf il aid and assistance of des;gningf nJ interested individuÃ¡is in the United States; and the direct and indirect cc- opprratinn of our own Government, v;ith similar vnics, is'not the less certain and demonsirable. The open and repeated enlistment of troops in several States of this Union, in aid of the Texan Revolution; the intrusiÃ³n of an American arm}1, by order of the PreÃ¡ident, far nto the territory "of the Mexican Government, at a moment critical for the fate of the insurgente, under pretence of preventing Mexican soldiers from fomenting Indian disturbances. kuif n ronlitv in airi of. mvl aclini? in sineularconcert and coincidence witli, the army of tne revolutionislp; the entire neglect of our Government to adopt any efficiÃ«nt measures to prevent the most unwarrantable aggresÃ¡ions of bodies of our own chizens, enlisted, organized and officered within our nwn borders, and maiched in arms and battle array upon the territory, and against the inhabitants of a friendly Government, in aid of the freebootera and insurgents; and the premature recognitioa oftheindependence of Texas, by a enap vote, at th-2 heel of a session of Congress, and thnt too at the session when President Jackson had, by special message, insisted that "the measure would be contrary to tlie policy intariably observed by the United States in all similar eses, would be marked wiih great injustice to Mexico, and particularly liable to the darkest suspicions, inasmuch a the Texans tcere almosf all emigrante from the United States, and soÃ¼ght the recogsiTION OF THEtR 1NDEPESDENCE WITH THE AVOW KD PÃRPOSE OF OBTAIMNG THEIR ANNEXATIO.N to tue United States;" these occurrences are too wel! known and too fresh in the memory of al.', to need more than a notice. These have become matters of history. For further cvidence on a'l these and other important points we refer to the memorable speech of John Quincy Adams, delivered in the House of Representaties during the mornin hour in June and July, 1838, and to his add7ess to his constitncnts, delivered at Braintree, September 17, 1842. -. jti J: -KÃtWe lioldthat there is not only "no politioal necessity" for it, "no advantages to be derived from it," but that there is no constitutional power deJegated to any part of the Na- tional Government to authorize it; that no act of Congress or treaty for annexation, can impose the least obligation pon the severa! States of this Union, to submit to such on unwarrantable act, or to receive into their fnrnily and fraternity euch wsbegolten and illcgitimile yrogeny. We hcaitate not to say that annexation, cffected by any act or prnceedintr of the Federal Government, or any of its Departments, xoould be identical teith dissolution. It would be a violation of our national compact, its object s, designs, and the great elemsntary principies which eniered into its formaUon, of a character so deep and fundamental, and would be an nttempt to eternize an institution ani a power of' nature so unjust in themselves, so injurious to the interests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of the free State?, as, in oiir opiniÃ³n, not only,inevitably to result in a dissolution of the Union, but fully to justify it; and we not only assert that the people of the free States "ought not to submit to it," but we say with confidence, they ivould not submit to tl. We kuow their present temper and spirit on this subject too well to beÃ¼eve3t a moment that they would oecotne purtiepscriminis in any snel subtie contrivaiice ur the irremediable perpetuation of on tnstiufion wliicli the wisest and best me: who i ormed onr Fedeial ConstituciÃ³n, as well from heslave as the Tree Staten, regarded as an vil and as a curse, soon to becoine Ã©xiinfct indwr the operation of laws to be pa-ised profibiting the slavet rade, and the progressive nfluence of the principies of UieRevoiuiion. To prevent ihe soccesÃ¡ ofthiÃ¡ nVanous procci- to preserve from such gross violation heConstiuiiionofour country, adopted ex)res]y 'Hu secure the hkssings of libo tj and mt the perpetual ijn of slavery - and to pre,-ent the speedy and violent diÃ¡soiution of the LJnion, we invite yon to imite, without dis:inetion of party, in an imhicdiÃ¡tc ex)ression f your views on this subject, in such mttnner is you may deein beat culculatÃ«d to answei lio end propo-ed. Washington Murch 3, 1843fohn Qnincy Adums, ÃSeth M. Gatep, iVilliam Slade, Willum B. Callimin, ioslina R. Giddings, Sherlock J. Andrews, Xathaniel 13. Borden, Thns. C. Cluttenilcii, John MattDck--, Christoplipr Morgan, Jacob BI. Ilo.vard, Victory Birdseye, Ililand Hall.