Liberty Address: To The Voters Of The Second Congressional D...

Fellow Citizkns:Upon U3 has devolved the important duty of addressingyou upon the principies and objectsofíbe Liberty Party; and upon the fnanner of carrying out those principies, and the means by which we hope to attain those objects. In doing this, we ask your serious and candid attention - thal you weigh well the reasons which have" led us and these engaged with us, to break away from all previous polilical connections; to tear asunder those (ies tbat have, from iifancy almost, bound us to one or the other of the grcat political parties of the day; to eradicate from our breasts those opinions aud prcjudices, which have grown With our growth and etrengthened with our atrength, till they seemed a part of our very existéncc; and renouncino a!l desire for the faVor, or fear of the hatred, of old organizations, lo eet up on the bro id foundation of right and JUSTicB to all, the standard of the Liberty Party. We ask no pardon, we make no apology, for thua claiming your attention. A more important subject cannot occupy it. Is the purity of our Government, the cotitinuance of its republican form, the spread of our lepub lican principies, our national prosperity, any thing to you? Is your own individual interest and prosperity, aye, yuur own personal liberty of speech and aciion, dear to you? - Then listen, for our subject concerns them all. We hold this to be a evident truth, that American citizens have a right to act politically, upon any and every subject, restrained only by their own sense of what is mee;, and fit for suchaction. To deny thit, is to set over that fountain of all power in our land, the people, a power stül higher; which should regúlate that fountain, and guide the currems proceeding from it - to make the sovereign the subject. To deny it is to pull out the foundation stone of our beautiful repuMican edifice. this rigkt then, as conceded, we proceed. Where a quesiion comes up for our consideration, involving the hnppiness and prosperity of our nation, akhough in a minor point, we considerit expedient to exercise that right; and do so', by casting our vote and our influence, upon one side or the other of that question. But if this minor question change its phase, becomes the all absorbing question of the day involving in its decisión, the present and future welfare of millions of our own fellow citizens, the existence of our Government itself ; then the expediency of actiou becomes lost, and the Dirrr of euch action presees with overwhelming force upon all: - avoid it we connot; every where it meets us, and act we must. That question is now, we beJieve, before you, and is, ühall slavery continue to exist and rule in our Landï' It is needlees for us to insist, to those whoni we are now addressing, that slavery is a moral evil; the time is past, whereiu the contrary opinión among you could obtain a lodgetnent. Even those who are pouring out the vials of their wrath upon the Liberty man's devoted head, aie careful in almust every breath, to assure you, that they are "Anti-Slavery"raen. Wby so? Becausn, even to their benumbed consciences the enormities of Slavery are too gross, too apparent, to be upheld. Allhongh we cannot doubt, but that all of you will readily admit the moral turpitude of this inglitution, yet we fear it is not enough considered. We are apt to look upon the enormities, the cruelties of American slavery, as thinga which niay, and may not, belong to it; as excresences upon the body, which, $tricken away, wouldsüll leaveitunhurtand whole; but such is not the case. They are insepera ble. The cruelty, the enormity ,4the wicked - ness, lie in the principie, at the foundation. - When Man is made property, the deed is done; blows and stripes, letters and chains, are but additional drops in the cup of misery already full. That God who has formed our rninds, has so frarned the elernal laws of truth which govern them, that all virtues mutually 8U3tainone another. He has eo interwoven and inteitw!n d them,that to talie away a component part, must weaken all. The standard about which they entwine and whicii supports them, is Justice: - having inscribed upon it " Jus suus cuiquE tríbuendi! The giving to each onb his own right." Slavery stretclies out its polliited hand, and tears away this standard: as well expect when the sturdy oak is felled to the carth that the beautiful ivy which clung to it for support, will stil] lift in mid air, its drooping head, and bear firmly up before the blast, as that when justice is trampled under foot, the other virtues shall remain uninjured. Would to God that this conclusión of our reason were contradicted by facts, but so it is not. No one acquamted in the least with southern society, can deny that every violent passion, every base desire, every criminal indulgence, is pandered to by this "patriarchal institution.'P' Look at the disregard of hunan life which every where, in the Slave land, is rife; and is even stretching over our portion of the country, its gloomy, death-dealing shadow. "We long to eee the day," said the Governor of Kentuckj in his message to the Legislature of 1837 'when the law will assert ïte majesty, and stop the wanton destruction of life, which almost daily occurs within the jurisdiction of this Commonwealth. Mes slauguter each other WITH ALMOST PERFECT 1MPU.MTY. A Speciesof common law has grown up in Kentuckv, which, were it written down, would, in all civilized countnes, cause her to be rechristen,d, in derision, 'the lavd or blood!" SaysJudge Lansuque in an addres3 at the opening of the criminal court in New Orleans, Nov. ? 1837. "As a Louistanion parent, J rtflect with terror, thnl our beluved childreri, rcared to become onc day, honorable and beloved citizens, may be the victim of these votaries of vice and licentiousness. Without some powerful and certain remedy, oor streets vvill become BUTCHERIKS, OVKllFLOWING WITH THK blood ok ODR citizkns. " Pages might be fiüed wilh such quotations os the above; but why detain }rou with them when almost every news papor is filled with tales of Southern murder and yiolence; yonr dnily dihes of news, garnished with these boquets of the Devil! Why is this, do you ask? Because man is but prop erty, and bones, muscles, and blood,are weighed out at so much per pound. The foliowing will illustrate the bearing of slavery upon another point of morality. Belonging to a certain Presbyterian Church in Kentucky, were a slave holder and his two slaves, a husbanc and wife. The husband by the command of the master, was removed fo another plantation 100 miles distant. There he aiso unitet wilh the church, and married again. In the course of a few years the slave with his new wife, was recalled, by the mnster to the forrner plantation, and with regular letters they wereadmkted to the former churcb. The first wife complained to the church, who decided,and their decisión was confirmed by tht Presbytery, thata removal to a plantalion 100 miles distant, was equivalent to death, anc }mt an end to the mamare contract. The same decisión was also made by the Supreme Court of Keniucky,upon an indictmenl against the slave for adultery. What more terrible comment upon the moral influence of slavery can you ask? Pour out your indignation, not upon those who made this decisión, but upon that state of society which has made 6uch a decisión necessary. Of the universal practical amalgamatioti which prevails at the South we wi)l say rothing. Your ears nre alreadv "pained ai;d sick, with every daye' report ol wrong and outrage.'' This, Fellow citizens, is the instilution which is beid up to you as a "PATRIARCHAL INSTITUTION 1" Oh speak itnot loudly, lest Abraham hear it, and upon the tearless plains of ileaven, weep for the proslitution of the word. Hitherto we have spoken of slavery only n a moral point of and vet why need xe say this. The cvils above mentioned are öolitkal ev'üs of the direst magnitude. We teny the distinction so often made, between noral and volitical evils. Point us, we ask fov, to an ofFence ogainst the great moral aw of the universe, which does not at the ame time, aim a blow at the stability of ev:ry good government. But the L berty Party est not the propriety of their political action ipon this ground alone, though they believe t to be sufficiently broad and sure, to abide the :est of the severeát scrutiny. AnJ we now urn to that división of our subject which may e considered more purely political. Here we hrink back appalled at the task before us. - Where shall begin, or w here end, in the ;numeration of the dangerous Influences of Slavery upon our free institutions? Into the mvate caucus; into the ballot box; into the liegislotivehall; into the cabinet chamber; ino the Presidential Chair, and under the judicial Errnine, have they crept; and there they sit ncstled in their filth. We ask you to consifler the following facts: 1. The ignorance, which slavery entails up on those within lts influence. The last census phows that of the free white population over L0 years of age, in the free States, one out of every 156 cannot read; in the slave States, 1 out of every 17Ü! Governor Clark, of Kentucky, in his message of 1837, says "By the computation of those most familiar with the subject, one third oj the adult population oj the State, are unable to write their ñames." But a short time ago the Hon. Mr. Wise, from his. seat in Congreís, announced in a tone of rejoicing, "that not a single newspaper was published in his district;" and that one of the oldet distriets in the Union! We no longer wonder at the gentleman's election. The Slaveholding aristocracy of the South, know that knowledgeis power; and therefore they desire, in every way to repress education, not only atnong slaves, but among the non-sla veholding whiies. Have we, of the North, fellow citizens, as sustainers of fiee institutions, any too much virtue, intelligence and educafiou? If not, what have they of the South!! 2d. The influence of Slavery, upon the prosperity and enlerprise of the South. Reason teaches us, that, in the words of the celebrated Montesquieu, "Even the earth itself, which teems with profusión, under the cultivaling hond of the free hom laborer, would shrink into barrenness, from the contaminaling sweat of a slave;" aud reasoirs voice is echued and ie-echoed, by evory mountain and forest; every vil'.aore and hamlet of ihe South. Mr. Clownney of Souíh Carolina, thus 6peaks upon thefluor of Cungress 'Look at SouthCarolina now.with her houses leserted and falling to decay; her or.ee j 'ruitful fields worn out and abandoncd, for want jftimely irnprovement and skilful cultivation, xná her millions of acres of inexhaustible ands, still promising an abundant harvest to he indvstriovs husbandman, Jying idle and leglected." Senator Preston from the same 3iate, strikes a similar note in the doleful minor key- "Here'' (at the South) "the face of the country wears the aspect oF premature oid ageand decay; JYo improvement is seen going on; nothing is done for posenty." Tn Virginia the finger of desolation is beckoning the Fox and the Wolf, to those lairs from which the hand of cultivotion drove them them more than a century eince. How is itns to increase of populution? In 1790 Virginia and New York starled in the race for national greatness; the fornier with a population of 749,303; the lutter 344,120; in half a eentury's trial how do they stand? Virginia boasts of l,M9,094: New York pf 2,428,921 !!! Why is Virginia tlius distanced?- 'The dog that has staid the march of her people, the incubus that has weighed down her enterprize, strangfed lier commerce, kept sealed her exhauslless fountains of mineral wealth, and paralyzed her arts, manufactures and improvement is negro slavery," (Thomna F. Marshall of Ky.) Compare Kentucky 8nd Ohio- In 1790 Kenïucky 'had a free population of 61,227; Ohio ivas a icilderncss. In 1840 Kentucky had free and slave 779,828; Ohio 1,519,467 ftfemcn Why is tliis difference? One of Kentucky's own sons in a short, but significant sentence, proclaimed the rrason. 'Orno is a frke State, Kkntucky a Slave Statb." That State or Nation, which, sustaining or cheri:-hinf slaven', would prosper, must first put forth its lyuching hand, hurl the King of Heaven, the Law-giver of the Universe, from his throne; and abrógate the eternal rules of cause and effect. Sd. The Uiter Weakness of the Slave States. In this, we include not the danger arising from Slave insurrections, very great though it is; for so long as Southern tyranny is 6up.. ported by Northern buyonets, wielded by Northern freemen, it is hardly possible for a successful rising to take place, even tho' our arins were blunted by the thought, that "He is thrice armed who hath his qtiarrel jufat:' we only refer to the case of foreig:) invasión. Who does not see thal the South lies at the inercy of any respectable force, which should clioose to land on its shores,and proclaim "Liberty to the captive!" And especially, if that force should be accompanied by lieg'menls! ' The following extract from the secret Journal of the continenta 1 Congress speaks volumes - "March 20, 1779. The committee appointed to take into consideration the circamstances of the Southern Slates, and the ways and means for their enfety and defente, report: That the State of South Carolina, as represemed by the delegates of thesaid State, and by Mr Iluger who has come hither, 9t the request of the Governor of said State, on purpose lo explain the circumstnnces thereof, is unable to nmke any effeclnal efforts, with militia, byreason of the great proportion of citizens necessary to remain at home, to prevent insurrection among the negroes, nnd prevent the dcserlion of them to the enemy - That the 6tate of the country, and the great numbers of those people among them, exposo the inhabitunts to great danger from the endeavors of the enemy to excite them to revolt or desert." vo!. 1. p. 105. Is that danger lessened any now, when from being S3,000 less than the whites Uien, 'those peoule' have increased to 65,459 more? If so, how long must they continue to increose, ere there will be perfect security? Hear what the Hon. A. P. Upshcr, Secretary of the Navy, n his annual report for 1841, speaking of a war between the Uuited States and any considerable inaritime power, says - 'The first blow would be strudt at us through onr ovn institutions. - An enemy so disposed and freeto land on any part of our soil, which might prornise euccess to his enterpnse would be armed with Jour fold power of annoyance.' We need eay no more on this point. The whiffet weakness of the South, is as nppa "ent as their blustering barking. But it may be asked, what is the ignorance, the desolation, or the weakness of the South, lo us? We answer, in the words of Madison, upon the floor of Congress, May 13, 1739 : 'It is a necessary duty of the general government, to protect every part of the empire against danger, as weli internal as externa! : - Every thing therrfore, which tends to increase this duvger, tliovgh ü may bz a local affair, y et, ifit involves nutional expense or safefy, it becomes of concern to every part of ihe Union; and is a proper subject for the consideraHon of thosc charged icith the general adininistration of the gwej'nment.' 4th. The controlhng power which slavery has ever exerted over our government lst. Through the ratio of federal Representation. By the Cons'itution of the United Statss, we have stipulated that our Congressional Representativos shall be apportioned equally among the States, according to their free population - provided, thot five sla ves 6hall be considered equal to ihcce freemen - or in other words, a citizen of the South, holding five slavee, shold have power equal to four JYorhern Freemen.'.' Look at the practical operation of this: The South with a free populalion of 3,823, 398, have had duringthe last 10 years 100 Representatives in Congress The North, with a free population nearly doublé, (7,003, 451) have only 142: Thus giving to slavery 25 menibers more than its equal proportion. Twenlyfive Representativcs upon the floor of Congress, whose only constituents are dollars and cents! ! 2d. In the Presidential canvass, the electo - rial vote being equal to the number of Senators and Representatives in. Congress of each State, a moment'a glance will convince you of the immense power, beyond its due oroportioi), which slavery wields in this department of our governmeni. The Sfules of Deeware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, polled al the last Presidenlial election 447,53 5 votes, and cast 89 electoral votes; while the State of JYew York alone, asling 448,331 votts only had 42 elector s. '.'.' At tna next general election, Michigan, with 50,000 votere, will have only 5 electors, whileSouth Carolina, with only 25,000 voters, will have 9 electorsü! Whon we reflect in connection with these facls, that the South upon every question which, in the remotest mnnner affects its'peculiar institutions,'stands firm and uniled; and that a 'uniled minority can alwuy.s govern a divided majorilyj we cease to wonder at. the controlling infiuence which slavery has exerted over us. Sd. Our Legislation hns ever been the sport of Slaveholdmg caprice. The free labor of the Norlh and slave labor of the South 1 are and ever must be, in direct opposition in interest; as the one goes up Ihe other goes down; and we cannot therefore, blarae Southern men, for using their best en dea vors for the protection of their own interest, we only blame thefreemen of the North, who with the power in their hands, hove suffered themselves to be hoodwinked ond blinded and tri play cat's paw for the Southern monkey. Tarifle have been made, and altered, and repealed, and unmude and re-altered, and re-repealed, to suit Southern interest; twice has a Uuited States Bank been puffed into existence;and when the South became so rnuch indebted to it.that paying was impoÊsible, the legislativo wand, guided by 'Cortstiluttonal scrvplrs,' has swept both debt and creditor into nonexistence. Practical knowledge has given way to Iheory, and the experience of years to fanciful imairinings of Southern brains. Vacillation personified, has held the helm, while every wind of heaven has by turn?, filled our sails! 4th. Slavery controls the offices of the nation. The Presidential chair has been filled 42 out of 54 years by holdcrs; and 4 of the remainining years by a "Northern man with Sonlhern principies:' thus placing in slaveholding hands, the power of appointing all heads of department, Judges, Foreign Ministers, Military and Naval ofibers, District Attorneys, U. S. Marshals, Post Masters, and the thousand otlier minor oflïcers of the nation. And liow has this power been exercised? In the varióos departments, the Norili have had the control 22 years; the South Ml. Of the last 12 Judges of the Supreme Court, 10 have been from the South and 2 i'rom the North. Do you wonder that our judicial decisions are tainted with slaverv? That the right of trial by Jury is denied to the poor, wanderina" refu geo from Southern "Happinkss?" Of the 30 Foreign Ministers last appointed, the South have had 27, the North 3Ü Consul?, 28 frorn the South to 5 from the Nor.h-, Chief officers of the Army, 28 Southern to 8 Northern; while of comnion Soldiers, since the revolution, the Nortli have furnished 1,422,465 and the South 28S,7SS!Ü Of the 52 chief naval officers, last appointed, 47 have been from the Sou. h and 5 rom the North; - And here a a passing remark upon the Navy, ciaims our attenüon. Are you, freemen of the North, aware that by the law of the land, a common sailor in our n:ivy can never arise to a commissioned office? That whatever their merit, their knowledge or their skill, they must always remain at the beek and nod of a midshipman? Yet such is the fact - why is this? Ah, wera it not so, the hardy, intelligent tara of New England vvould drive from the quarterdeck, the proud scions of Southern Aristocracy, and tlien how should those be provided for, who i'caimol dig, and to heg are ashamedr If any confirmation of this position is needed, it rnay be fouud in the list of Naval officers. Of 738 Lieutenants, passed Midshipmen, and Midshipmen, novv in the tervice, Massachusetts has 40, Virginia 123, and Muryland 59!!! of 32 Midshipmen appointed in the early part of 1842, not one is from a free State!!! Are the South as monpolizing in regard to sailors? Lo! Virginia furnishes 560, Maryland 383, Massachuselts 5150. Next to the Presidentiai office, the most important one in our government :s the Speakship of the nouseof Representatives: Holding in his hand the power of constructiug all the committces, he exerts an untold influence over the Legislation of our Country. Is a Committee like to have under its'consideration subjects iovolving, in any wise, the peculiar interests of the South, and opposed to lhe peculiar interests of the North? The Chairman f.nd a majoiity of such Committee, must be Southern men. IIow is this eifected? The records of that body teil us: Since the year 1811, a Slaveholder has filled that office for all hut 3 years. It is by thid means,that your effbrts to benefit the wheat growing interest, have been stifled; while the Sugar, Cotton and Slave business, has been fostered and chenslied. It is by the efforts of Slave-holding diplomatists, under the direction of Slave-holuing Presi.Ients, backed up by Slave-holding CongressionnlCommittees,appointed by Slaveholding Speakers, that the ports of Northern Europe have been shut up to our Wheat, and opened lo their Cotton. Lastly, we ask you to look at the cost of Slavery to the North. It is found upon accurate calculation, that in the State of Massachusetls, with all thefacilitiesforl.ibor, which Yankee ingenuity can invent, combined with the most unüring industry, one person, by hls labor, is able to support two, himfaelf and another; and make an animal addition of about 4 per cent to tiie capital employed. In the Slave States, there are about 4 millions, who are entirely dependent upon Shve labor, lor subsistence. Only abouc 1,000,000 Slaves are engnged in producing - one Slave then, has to support, upon an average, 4 persons and he, at the samo time, destitute of every facility for so doingr, except the sweat of his own unpaid toil. Can he do it? Every several grain of man's common sense cries out, No! Noü Whence then,do they draw their eup port? From You. Within the last ten yearsyou, wïth othcr portions of the North, have paid into the great pauper fund, the Capit.il of tiic Unitcd Stnles Bank, owned at tlic North, uud suuk in Southern stocks, debts and cotton, $21,000,000 In carrying on the Florida war, that great JYegro Hunt, 40,000,000 In amount paid Southern office holders, more than Nonhern, $100,000 per year in ten yearsi 1,000,000 Foi support of the Southern Post office, which runs itself in deht every year ($571,000, while the northern rnakes $600,000, in 10 years past about, 5,710,000 In bad debts, which have been lost at the South, by Eastern manufneturers, and mercliants;and which the Nortli and West have to pay, in increased prices, put upon goods sold them, to niake up for losses 200,000,000 Thus you see, you have paid, in the last ten years $267,710,000 For the support of slaveholders, averagiug per year $26,771,000. Tliis is the price, fe;Iow citizens, you pay for Slavery. Ah! Let us ask you, can you afford ït? Is toil so sweet to you, that you will still loil on, for the monster's support? - Is the ncorn ond derision of Europe's despots eo dear to you, as to be purchased at such a price? Do groan, and sighs, and clanking chains, and cracking whips, make such swect music in your ears,as to be bought with such a sum? Then toil on, and soon will the prediction of yoar Southern Masters be fulfilled; that the "laborehs ok our whole country,bleacu ed or uivbleachëd, must and shall be Slavks!" It should seem, that in the view of all these evils, moral, and politica], which Slavery is heaping upon us, not one word more need be siid. That every patriot, philanthropist, and christian, would as one man, unite to pluck away this canecí" upon our free institutions, and y et it is not so. A sleep deeper than that which enwraps the grave, has brooded over the land, ana upon the brink of our Nalion's tomb we have been nodding in fancied security. ';O! that iny tonguc werein the thunder's mouth, Then wiih o passion, would I shake the world, And ïouse from slepp. that feil nnntoiny"!! Now the inquirv forces itself upon us, how shall we rid ourselves of these evils? not surely, by sleeping on; for half a century we have tried tfiis, and the result has been, to strengthen an hundred fold, th? bands of fclavery. Shall we still rely, alone, on moral suasion? We are not among ihos?, who would underraie the power of truth, when clearly presented to the conscience; nor of those who would diFsuade from the diligent use of this moans: but for 12 years we have been fighting with these weapons; and we have now come to that point. when others mustalso be used. Shnt out from the U6e of the Southern mail, as we, in a great measure ure, moral suasion reaches not tho heart of the slave-hold eis: and if it did, think you they would consider as mtich in earnest in opposition to slavery, while by all the political power we possess, we were aiding to place in the hands of slaveholders, the power of govenment? The Ballot Box, Fellow c'.tizens, is a freeman's vveapon, and by the ballot box must slavery be slain. In the legislative hall must Liberty's voice be heard, and Liberty's vote be cast. - The hand of Legisíation has scrawled the nfamous label of "chattkls ' pon the imntre of God, and by the hand of Legislation must that label be lom away. By the ballot box we can put into the presidential chair, o. stern opponent of oppression in every form. Thro' him the various offices of the nation will be filled with libei ty men, and the influence oí our Government at home and abroad, be tlirown against Slavery. The Bench of our Supreme Court as fast as its seats became vacant, would be filled with a proper proportion of Northern men; and thus our judiciary be severed fiom Slavery's influence. Through the ballot box a majority of Liberty men may be obtained upon the floor of Congress; and with a Vice President favorable to Lüierty, Slavery shouid no longer clank its chains in in our Capítol: The banner of the free should no longer float in mockery, over coffles of Sla ves. We stop not now. to argue the power of Congress over Slavery in the District of Columbia: it has been too often conceded by the South, to be now questioned. The inter slave trade, with all its horrors, would be nbolished and slavery ceae to be "the pcculial inslitulion" of our Territories. The free labor of the North should be suitably foslered,8z. freemen's petitions, not contemptously trampled under foot, bul considered and acted upon. In our own State, that provisión of our constituion should be blotted out, which makes a man's skin, and not hia mind, the test qualification of citizonship. These, Fellow citizens, are the objects we hope to accomplish. Are they not worthy of our best exertions? To cut off the light arm of 6laverv, to prevent its spread, to rescue our cfovernment from its influence,to leave the monster, shurn of his strength, bereft, of his power, wouuded, bleeding, putrifying, even though giant as !ie is.he may, for awhile,from his impregnable eastle of State sovereignty, gnash his teeth at us, and curse us. Is it not an end worthy of the ambition of the vvorld's noblest sons? For attaining these objects the Liberty party has been organized, and around its proud banner, wo cali upon you all to rally. But we hear the objecLion, "You can never succeed.'" Is not our cause the cause of Justice and Truth! And ia not that God, who builds up and pulls down partios, the God ofJustice and Truth? May we not, then, expect to conquer? I ti the hands of northem freemen lies the power of success.St they ere long we belicve, will so clenrly see the wronga wlnch Slavery is infiicting upon thcm, that tliey will arise, throw aside the paltry questions,paltry in comparison with this great one which have hilherto engaged their altention, and with a mighty hand, bear back oppression. But we look not to the North alone for help. Of 1,016,307 while males at the South, over 20 yeors of age, only L48,71 1 are Slave-holders and Slave-holders sons, and therefore directly interesled in upholding blavery; leavinff 767,596 whose interests are diametricnlly opposed to it. At present, owing to a want of intelligence and a want of suffiuent property to qualify many of thetn for voiing, the influence of this immense majority is swallowed np. Bat this cannot last Jong. Free suffrage will soon be the cry. Even now movements are taking place, big with interest.- Western Virginia, which is almost entirely non Slave-holding, is calling for a representationbased upon freepopulation; andGov. McDowell has recommended calling a Convention for thus amending the Constilution. Such an amendment would deal a death blow to Slavery in Virginia. In Alabama, a law was passed the last winter, dislricting ihe State for Congressional Representatives, accordirg to the free population. Hundreds, in all parta of the South, are getting right upon this subject. We look not in vain therefore, we think for help in this great struggle, from the nonSlave holders of the South. But we are asked why not unite with one of the other parties? Experieuce has already told us what wason would have taught us long since, had her voice been regarded; that it is in vain to depend upon thenj - relying as tbey do upon the South for their mnjorities, they have vied with each other, in cringing subserviency at the shrine of Slavery. Suppose for illustration, we join the Whig party. They either do or do not, as a party, adopt our principies. If they do not, and when tlie liour of trial comes,they fiud lliat in adliering to iis, they mustloose the soiith, which hom of the dilemma will they choose? Time has already told us. If they do adopt our principies they certainly loose the South, & we with them,are in the mijiority: having saddled upon us all tlic corruption nnd odium, which attach to the Whigs; and having to contPnd with all the prejudice und hatred of the Democruts. Uniting with the Democratie party, we are in no beiter situuiion. The only alternative thercibre, seems to be, to renour.ee aJI old political connections, and with LIBERTY for our test quesiion. start anew. We are told that we are throwing away our votes. Upo.i which of the political paruesof the present dny,or any da}', rniglit we not retort? Would it be the Democratie party of 1840? or the Whigs of 1342? Is it any consolation to an individual who lus thrown away his vote, to think that in the same cause, 500,000 others of his fellow citizens have thrown awiy theirs? Must each one, ere he goea lo the polls, calcúlale which candidate is likely to succeed, and for fenr of "throwing away his vote," cast it for him? O! away with such burlesque upo reasonü! These, Fellow citizens, are the principies, and objects of the Liberty party. And whom have we prespnted beforp you, as fit men to carry out thosñ principies? For Governor of this State, os also for President of the United States, we are proud to present as a candidate, James G. Birney; a man broucht up under the "patriarchal institulion" of the Soutb;bimself a large possessor of Slaves, making himself poor by their emancipation - upon vhom t.'ie honors of the South have been freely showered; of talents scarcelyjinferior to any, and superior to most of those, whose names are before you as candidates for the Presidential office. In contrast with his conree of action, we ask you to look at the prominent candidates of the other parties. Here Van Buren, pledging himsetf to veto any effort to abolish slavery in the District of Columbio; ind givinghis casting vote as President of the Senate, in favor of the bil! making Southern Post Masters inspectora and riflers of the mails. Ilead John C. Calhoun's declaration that 'the proper condition of the class is slavkry, and the Capitolist ougkt uheays to own his laborer.' Or Henry Clay's in the United States Senate in 1838, saymg, 'ns a citizen of a Southern State, I would continue to op. pose any schone of emancipation whether gradual or immediale.' Choose ye, which of these is most worthy of a freeman's vots. For Lieutenanl Governor, we present you Ltilhor F. Stevens of St. Joseph county. Residing ín your district, he is known to many of you, and we hesilate not to say, well and favorably known too. For thirty years a practicing Lawyer, he stands surpassed by few, ia his profession in the State. If integrity, talents, age or experience, are passports to public favor, or proper qualifications for the office, we are sure he will obtain the one, and well riischirge the duties of the other. In R. B Bement, cur candidate for Congress, wo recognize a man of extensive acquirementg, powerful mind, of great eloquence, and tho unequnlled champion of human rights. Having been for a long time an active politician; nt one time a member of the Michigan LeEris" lature, he ia thoroughly acquainted with the shifts and chicanery of our opponents, and is therefore, prepared at every point to meet them. In him as our Representntive in Congress, the rights of the nor'.h will find an ab!e supporter, Slnvery an uncompromising opponent,and Liberty a faithful friend. Liberty men, with such principies and such men upon our standard, we need not fear the hosts before us, our watch word.is "onward." We have only to say to you,Organ