Throwing Away Votes

The Democratie pariy, at the present elee tion, will scnrcely have the assurance to as the votes of Liberty men foi their candidates and their pro slavery and sorvile position io the Slaveholders is so well unders'ood by every body, thit it would nvail them nothing i they sliouJd. They therefore will let us nlone. Not so with the Whigs. They claim to be "the truc liberty pariy" and ore untiring in lht?ir exertions (o win over ns mnny as posei b'e to the support of their idolized slavehold er. As onoofthe most frequent nrg-timenfp used by tliem is, tlmt every voto Tor Birnev will be i'lftrown muny," let us consirler, for n moment, the meaning and forre of this nsser tion. In what ense will a vote for Birney be thrown away? Whot do those who nse expression, mean by it? They must mevin onr of two thinnrs: eillier that the pnrposes for which the vote is given will not beaccomplish ed; or, that the candida te for whom jt is bestowed will not he elected. We know of no oi her sense in which the expression can properly be (ïsed. The Liberty man who votes for Birney expects that his rote wil! count one ngiinst the nnnexation of Texis on any condilion vhaltvtr one towards the entire AboÜtion of Slavery frnm ournation: ondone fnr lheextonsion of Eqnal Righ'8 to our whole population. Now weasic if every man, Nonh nnd South, does not so regard every vote piven for Birney? So fnr as any votes re given, they count for this purpose, and their influ ence is not lost. We are building up at the North a Liherty Power which shall overthrow Slavery as soon as we obtnin the prepondernnee. Webelieve, with General Washington, that there xsonly one proper nnd efifectual method to abolish slavery, and that is by legislative AüTiiORiTT. This s our method. Will out opponents oppose any other? They will not. As soon us we obtain the requisite niimbers, our work will be done. A vote for the Liberty party is just as necessary now, as it will be in 1848, or the last year whén sl&very sliall exist. It is one of the indispensable means of euccess. It is therefore not thrown away. The Whigs tried to succeed a dozen years previous to 1840} and conld not. Will they acknowledge that uil their previons votes were "tkrown away"! lf they wiil nol, whyridicule ns for aeting in a minority? But, sny they, "you cannot elect Mr. Birney, and to vote for a candidate whom yon know you cannot elect is aJl folly. Why not vote for somebody who can be eleeted?" We answer, that we vote for Birney to acconr.plish certain purposes, and that they willbe accomplished by voting for hiin. We admit that we ehall not elect him al this time bat we do not admit that he cannot be elected in 1848. We vote for him now, that be may be elected then, just os the Whigs voled for Harrieon n 1836, and elected him in 1840. Was this course wise or foolish, in ihem? But, say8 the Whig,'' I am not opposed to Birney personally, nor to the objects of the Liberty party; and I will honestly own, that f I knew Birney could be elected this fall, I would vote for him. But I think it probable that Mr. Clay will be elected, and I wish to put my vote where it will count onefor that purgóse." Well, how mtich will it help Mr. Clay's election, if given for the Whig electoral ticket of Michigan? JYot a pariicle! - All sensible men know that the Democratie Presidential ticket will 6ncceed. The State is almost as certain for Polk as New Hampshire. Most candid and intelligent Whigs ac knowledge that ihey have no expectalior. of carrying the State; and in all our acqunintance, we havefound bnt one prominent Whig who soberly avows that he expects the Whis will succeed on the electoral ticket. We do not say that Clay wjll not be eJected: but we s&y that every Whig vote given for him in Michigan will not help his election ín the least, and will therefore, so far as that ohject is concerned, be thrown away, as much as though it were given for Birney. The Whigs of this State are in a decided and permanent minority, and the prospect is that they alwaye will be. In four elections for Governor, they have succeeded but once, and theu by a niajorily threeor four times less than tbatof their opponents at the present time. Then iookat the elections for the Legislature. There is not a State in the Union, nof excepting Nev Hampshire, where they have so few mpmbers in the Legislatuie. The proportion may be temporarily increaeed a little at the present elpction: but thero is no disguisiog that the JVhigs are a settled and vniform minorily in the State. AU the difference between the Whig and Liberty parties, in this respect, is, that one is a larger minority than the otker. If you vote for either party,you are eure of voting for a pnrty that will not note gucceed in this State. Well, says the Whig, "suppose we prant all your premisos-, what conclusions would you draw from them?"' Our conclusión is this: we would say to every antirslavery man in the party, "You know that the question of human freedom will be tuk grkat qüestion in 1848. You know that all things ere now preparing for this issue. Your intention has been to vote for Clay this once, and then consécrate your influence direcily for the objects of the Liberty party. - Reconsider yoar determination - you cannot help in the least to elect Mr. Clay, if youwould. And if you could, an anli-elavery man can gain nothing by voting once more for a slnveholder. So far as tiio Jocal elections are concerned, you will be equal'y powerless, whüe acting 03 a Whig. Out of the 70 members of the Legislature, there s no prospect that the Whige, by their utmost efforte, will be able to elect one fourth part of ihem. Why then persist In 6upportng a proslavery minority, vvhere no;hng can be gained? Come out nowfor the Liberty party instead of delaymg it till next ycar, and you will never regret your decisión." (E5 There are thirty-one counlies ín this State organized occording to law: in all but eight of theee are regular Liberty organizations. Next ycar we must complete the list.