Southern Union For Slavery

We have shortened our editorial matter this weck to niake room for ihe report of Mr. Calhoun's speech nt the Charleston meeting, on tbe 9th of March. This meeting sesmsto have been got up for the purpose of welcoming home the South Carolina delegation. The moeting was orgnnized by the nppointment of a President, fifieen Vice Presidents, and a committpe of twenty-fivc Through their chairman, Col. J. VV. Hayne, they reportod sundry resolutions, declaring, among other things that the exclusión of Slavery from the nationol terrilory, proposed by the YVilmot Proviso, would be 11 unwisr, dangerous, dishonorable and debasing." The remarks of Mr. Calhoun on theseresolutions we have inserte! elsewhere. As nn outline of the future policy of the South, and of Mr. Calhoun, they deserve the profound altention of antislavery men. It will be seen that he admi:s the point ye have so often urged upon the Nortli - that the Free States have the contiol of the Slivery question in their own hands whenever they are d'sposedto us-? it. The two advantages Mr. Calhoun mentions asenjoyed by the South in this controversy with freedom - having the constitution and the self-interest of the North on the side oí slavery, will not amount to much practically. Indeed, his assumption that if slavery should be nbolished there would be no rico, cotton or tobáceo raised in the South for commercial purposos, is moát ridículous. But it did wel! enough for a Charlerton audience. His description of the classes of north einvoters is quite instructive. Out ofevery hundrcd persons he says that five are abolitionists proper, seventy are antislavery men, willing to seeSlavery abolished by constitutional moann, while twenty more nro üterally " spoilsmen," controüed only by interest, and therefore, he must admit, as ready, when an office can be had, to shout for Liberty rs for Slavery - : leaving only five individuals in ahundjed who " sympathize" with the South ! Truly this classification is highly encouraging to Liberty men. It will be seen, too, that Mr. Calhoun "pointed out the danger to the South, should any parly uniting with the Abolitionists become dominant. We should ihen become, in the federal eleclions, UTTERLT INSIGNIFICANT." Ah ! The keon-eyed politician has discerned ihat we have been organizing a Liberty Power hereat the ilorth which we shall one day bring to bear on the Presidential election with an irresistable force. In fnct the Northern portion either of the WhiL or Democratie parlie if united, with the aid of all the antislnvery voters could nowsweep the Free States, áíid elect a President, although the South should opposc in solid nrray ; but things are not vet matured for such a result,ihough Mr. Calhoun foreseos and " points j OUt THE DANGEB." j Mr. Calhoun'8 reprobation of those al j ihe South who keep the Slavery qucsiion ( out of tho way - and of national ting conventions, was quite significant, , especially when connected wilh the assertion that " the question must be made a , funda mental one in th6 Presidential election," and hisadvocacy of the formation of " A GREAT PARTY tn which the qucsiion of the rights of the South shouldbe predominant." Suchaparty xMr. Calhoun is undoubtedly laboring to form, and expects himself to be at the head of it. That the South is henceforlh to be compelled to take a defensivo attitude in its s.ruggle for Slavery, isdistinctly seen by the shrewder politicians ofthatsection. The Charleston Mercury, Mr. Calhoun's organ, says : "The aggrcssive policy of the Wil mot proviso, though thvvarted fur a time by the defeat of thnt measure, is to be persisted in. VVith a majority in the House, and a majority of Senators from the free Stales in the next Senate, and in addilion the two Senators from Delaware were instructed to voie for the Wilmot proviso,the friends of that measure are sanguine of success. - At the next session, then, will probably be decided a question, upon the proper decisión of which we solemly believe rests the perpetuity of the present Union of these States. To indulge in the expectation that ihe issue can be longer nverted, would be nsdelusive as dangerous, and t ' therefore becomes evory Southener who values his honor and his rights, and is determined to maintain them at uK hazards, to be Drepared for either fortune, and if the Staies areto be fevered by the violation of the compact which binds them together, to meet the emeigency with becoming i firinness."(tThe article we published last week on the location of the Cnpital ehould have been credited to the Jackson Patriot in stead of the Gazette. (L The Liberty vote of Ann Arbor for town officers was 77- a small advance on lat year. The majority for No License was 33.CC?" A rospeciod triend seems to have been stumbled by our brief editorial notice of Mr. Corwin's speech. He writes us t 'To "support" Mr. Corwin, ai long as he rpmains in a party thnt is hostile to our principies: - it is whnt I have too much lespeet lor tnyself, nnd the cause I have espoused, to do. It is true he made an able and eloquont speech in the Senate, but he voted for the war againstico, well knowing, even on lus own grounds, ihat it was not only unnecesBary ond nnjust, but that it was unconBtitutional. Your langunge will bear the consiruction I have given it, and it is the natural onc Yet when I compare it with what immediately precedes it, you mny have only intended that Liberty men should give Mr. Corwin due praise for what he had done, although he was a Whig. To this, of courst, I make no objeciion." Any person who will turn to the article in the SIgnal of March 13 will see that cur remnrks referred exclusively to the speech of iMr. Corwin. He had taken the eround that the war wnssary and unjust ; and we added, - " This i the ground of the whole liberty parly ; and in advoculing i7, in the face of grent opposilion from bis own party, Mr. Corwin is entiiled to the support and commendation of Liberty men." We never dreamed, in penning this sentencp, that we were committing oursHves to the pohticql support of Mr. Corwin, as n prospective candidate for office. We know of no sufficient reasons why Liberty men should give him theirsuffrages for President or nny other office. - But so far as Mr. Corwin, or any other Whig, takes a right stand on the war, or nny other subject, we expect to approve and commend him for so doing. When he U partly right, we are willing to say so, without visiting him wtlh unqualified condemnbtion because in some things he mav be wrong. Upon this principie we have ever acted. We would commend all public men, without nny r?spect of party, so far as do right ; and we would condemn them in all things where they do wrong. This course seems to us patriotic, wise and just ; while an indiscriminatc nporoval of the acls of our oarty, and a universal condemnation of the acts of opposing parties is the main ineredient of ihat bigotted and hatefully spirit which now so greatly curses our country. The suspicions of antislavery integrity intimated by tlio writer oro not justified by our past course. Although we have had, and may have hereafter, views differing in some respects from the mnjoriiy of Liberty men.yet the writer will search the Signal in vain, for thesis yearsdur ing vfhich we hare conducted it, for a solitary sentence that will justify the giving of the suffrago3 of antislavery men to any but those who have most fully professerl,publicly nvowed, and consistently acted upon the great principies of the Liberty party.OTTho papers are telling stories of he wonderfully prolific genius of Dunas, the Frcnch novel ist-who, by the ivay, is a full blooded mulatto. From the developements of asuit in Paris, itseems iho editor of the Constitutionnel came to üumas in great dktress, and told him that his pnpcr wouldcertainly fail if he could not furnish him with one of his romances to keep it p. Dumas said to him, " eight days is euough for a volume when one has nothing else to do, but it is impossible when one is carrying on ot the same time five romances in as many different papers. I devote all my time nt St. Germain to this, I send the manuscript bv railroad. My servant is constant!)' employed in carrying back and forth the proofs. I have followed this trade for three vears."Notwithstanding this, he yiclded to the urgency of the editor, and turned him out at once n romance of six thousnnd lines. In his defence lio rcad the following summary of his engagements with vnrious publishers. By this contract, which was made May 28, 1845, he agreed to furnish the ediiorsof the Constitutionnel with nine volumes of romance ; either ono romance in four volumes, or two in two volume?, or three romances in three volumes each, the form to be setlled by mutual ogreemont. He had also made agrcements to furnish for the Bebats, the conclusión of Monte Cristo ; thirty thousand lines Bragelone, for the Siècle; thirty-six thousand lines, Maison Rouge, for the Democratie ; twenty-four thousand lines, for the Commerce ; and with other journals :o the amount of one hundred and seventy-five thousand lines. I had," nddcd Dumas, two years in which to write these volumes, at the rate of eighty thousnnd lines a year. I defy the gentlemen of the French Academy to do as much, and there are forty of them. In fact, gentlemen, I was very busy in fulfilling my engagements with all these journals. I did what no one else does or will do, I kept up the publication of all the works at once."fl We hoar that the Central Railroad is to be constructed by way of New Buffalo instoad of St. Joseph. We have no doubt this route, in ths end, witt be the best for the Railroad Comoany.