Mexican Politics

Kut the city is not only the capital, it is ihe center of all tho political life of tlie republic. For in all ontward forms this s a Federal republic. The city and its envirous form the Federal district in tho Stato of Mexico. Besides this State thcro are twenty-six other States, cach with ita Governor and local LegJslature, its system of schools. The Federal constitution is a model one: there is all the inachinery of a republican government, two elected Houses, a President popularly chosen for a term of six ypars, who is ineligible again until a term has intervened. líut the President is in faet elected by afreement among a knot of leader, and the office is a matter of arrangement, bargamed for usually a long time in the futuro. Every Governor of a State is practically dictatod by this little jaunta at the capital; and every officer, even to niayors of cities, is so chosen. It is the most purely personal government in the world. Whatevcr clective forms are gonc through with, this is the fact. When ihc first term of Diaz expired Gonzales carne in by arrangement; when tho latter retired it was toaGovernorship. Diaz has a predominance of Indian blood, Gonzales of Spanish. In his first term Diaz took nn enlightened view of tho needs of Mexico and its external relations. He invited capital and promoted railways by liberal subsidies. Tho railways were built; the subsidies have not been paid. The country was infested with brigands. These brigands were not Indians, but of the mixed Spanish race who had possessions, and took to the highways only on occasion, orwhen the country was politically disturbed. Vigproui efforts were made to suppress this ly tho government. Gonzales had the reputation of being the head of these quasi-brigands. When he carne into power brigandage was still more effectively suppressed. People say that his method was to put all the brigands in office, make them Governors, mayors and high district officials, where they could make more than by intercepting caravans, stopping diligences and carrying off owners of haciendas. And it is univcisally belieyed in Mexico that Gonzales, in his term of fouryears, savcd out of his salary between twelve and eighteen millions of dollars, which is now wcll invested. These leaden are astuto diplomatists, as wary and M supplo and subtle as the Turks. Whoever makes a treaty with them is likely to be confused by the result, Whoever invests money in Mexico, oither in public works or in private enterprise, does so at his risk. Any basis of confidence is wanting in business. The Mexicans do not trust cacli other. They always seem surprised when a forcigner does as he said he would do. The moral condition is souielhing like that of Egypt. The atinosphere of Egypt is one of universal lylng. Wc who are accustomed to do biisineÉB on universal faith - tho pregumption being that a man is honest until the contrary is proved - can not onderstand a social state whero the contrary is the assumptiou. One can readily grant to Diaz patriotic intentions, and the desire to have Mexico take an honorable place in the world; tal justico is not had priceless in the courts - the officials are all serving their owu interests, and official corruption is universal. And yet travel is now s;ife, public ordor is maintainod, and there is marked progress in education. Still, whatever the Govwnment is, there is 110 public opinión, no general comprehonsion of political action, no really representativo govemment or representativo election. There are few newspapers, the people are not Informad, and the mass of them aro indifferent so long as they are porsonally not disturbed. In only one case (the action of the Congress in rctrard to the English debt - action promotod by a determined demonstration of the students of tho city) bas there been any sign of the independenco of the Legislatura. Mexico reïiKiins, in effect, a personal government with no political public. I am making no sweeping declaration as to the chai-ai-tcr of the mongrel