Reception Speech Of Douglas

Ai.uany, July O. Judge Douglas arrived in this city at lOi o'clock tbis ovening. The demonstr.ition made by his fríen ds was of he most imprcssing and spirited description. At the Boston depot ho was not by a dtítachment of "Little Giants" vith drab and blue uniforms, and by he committee of reception, numbering fty citizons, among whom appears he name of John II. Reynolds, M. C. rom this district. On crossing the river, the sidea of the ier and landing were brilliantly ighted with Roman candles, and guns vere fired in ranid euccession. The ■nilitary was formed on this sile, nnd scorted the carriage containing Judge )onglas, Mayor Thatcher, Peter Cagjer, Stephen Clarke, and others, wbich 'as fianked and condunted in a square )y the club of Little Qiants hearing orches. At the Delavan House the rowd numbered many thousads. Judgo Douglas, after a brief speech f welcoino by Mayor Thatcher, rcssoüded. Mr. Douglas, in a olear and retnarkbly musical and distinct voice, said lis day had been to hiin a series oí urprises. At every railroad station 'rom Boston to the capital oí the umpire State ho had been unexpectedly eceived by large mimbers oí his 'cllow-citizens, giving him a greeting f which any man mjgbt fecl proud he extent to which tío liad boon corn allod to acknowledgo these gratifying emonstrations rnight be observe.d in lis voioo vvhon he attemptüd to tnake ïimself hoard by the vast assemblage )efore him. Ho had never received ie sliglitest intiraation that any demnstration would be made on his rrival here, and he had expected to De permitted to retire quietly to his ost, and to recfive the visi's of a í'o-v f his friends in the morning. He elt compeüed to say that his surpriae t the magnificence of this demonstraion was great, and that it was not nly gratelul to his feelings, hut flatering to his pride. Ho could not, ïowevor, bilt feel that this va-t demontiation was not prompted by a deaire o do honor to an individual, bnt prang f rom the popular l'ueling in 'avor of the great principie of selfïovernment which underlies all ourfree nstitutions and which al(jnc can nsuro the poace and harmony and jerpetuity of our government. Thero lover had been a time when the Union was so seriously threatened by the evils against which the Father of Our country in lus Pareweli Addrees cnutioned hia counfrymen, We are now threatened ivith the orgnnizatioq of sectional partios, bounded by g:ographical linee, and rnenacing the penco and harmony of tho whole country. The republiean party demanda the possession of the Federal government in order that the power inay be wielded for tho purposo oí eontrolling the domestic institutions of tho various Territories of tho United Statos. A southern seational party demands posse?sion of the Federal government for a similar purpose; eaeh proposing to wield the power in a manner adverse to the opposito section. The republican party demands that tho Federal government shall use the power to prohibit slavery in the Territories, hen the people of those Territories want slavery. Tho southern sectional party demands that the Federal íjovernment shall nse the power to establish slavery in the Territories, when the people of the Tenituries do not want it. A voica - wel!, teil us what you say yourself. Judge Douglas would teil thoni what he said - non-intervention by the i eral governmenfc with the domestie iustitutions of tlie people anywbere and everyvrhere. [ Lood ipplause. ] Ho ; would havo the Federal governmerrt confinad within the narnnv limita prescribid by tho eonatiUition of tho United States. The Federal goverument was created only for special purposes, and its povrers were propeily restricted and enumerated by the stitution. Tho question of riavery and of the domestic iustitutions of tho i people was no one of the powers delegated to the Federal governmont by the sovereign States. Suppose il shonld be addmitted that the Federal government should lake tho power over ' the institutie of slavery. Then we I should have a northern party insis'.ing that the hok force of the Federal government should be used against I slavery, and a southern party uwietiog ' that the whole lorce of the Federal government fchould bo used for slavery, i and this would at once créate an 1 pressible conflict that would be i compatible with tho peaue and harrnony i of the Union. It was held that tlie i soutbern people have the same right ; to move into the Territorios of the United Statea ivith their slave proper ty as the northern people bave to aove I into the Territories with their hornea I and cattle, and that they are just as much entitled to tho proteetion f the law. The very proposition iteelf shows the iguoranoe that prevails in reïation to the Bubjoot of tho proteetion of property in tho Territories. When did the Federal government ever pass laws to protect tho o.xeri and horseti ïf northern men in the Territories of the United States? Coögresa had nover even pnsssd a crimina! code fr the Territories. It was its duty simply to organiza a Territory, giving it a Legislature of its own, and leaving that Legislatura, as the representativo oí the people, to make all laws relating to the domestio policy of tho Territory and for the protection of property. The northern mm aflks no Congressional code f r the protection of his nroDerty. He takes his property into the Territory subject to the local lawa, nnd he depends upon the local htws for its prottction. The southcrn man BtandB upon tbaeame footing. When the southern man olaims the riglit t.i gö to the Territory with hia property, hö g08 with thu snine ight the northern man doe?, subject to the looul iaw of tho Territery, and looking to j tliat local Iaw for hia protection. Tho i Dred Scott decisión declare thatslave property in the Territoneï is the same as othor property, nnd stands on tho name footing. Ü bc, t is subject to local Iaw, the same as other property. Thia outcry for sectional lawá in a Territory, for the profceetion of nn'e'l Jfi-iTipti'-ii of 'pi u(M'i i ' nlone, evineo extraordinnry ignorance of the whole polioy of the Territorial go vern menta of the country. If vo aro willing to trust the poople of the Territorio to protect every other species of pr.;porty, and lo regúlate every other relation of lif'e n a Territory, vvhy : r i we Dot willing to give the same ] cwo ■ in regard to etaverj? Wo allow the Legislature of a Territory to mako laws in regard to the reiation of busband and wife, of parent and child, of guardián and ward. Why not, then, allow them to make laws in regard to tho relation of inaster and servant? Is thsre anj'thing more sacred in that relation than in any other in life? Was it to bo supposod that the people of a Territory would not make such laws as vvould bost promote theirown interest? IJe eould sec no reason why the poople should not be ns capable of self-governinent in a Territory as in a State. Who aro the people of a Te.ritory? Aro tliey not ciíizens from !Now York and lrom every other State in tho Uniou? And are not the citizens of New York State who go to tho Torritories as competent to make lawsj for their own govornraent as thoy were before their emigration? ís it true that tho American cituen loes the right of setf-government because he passes frorfl a State to a Territory? They were tolil that tho pcople of a Territory have such rights as Congress has specially deleguted to them and no more. That was the very doctrine that bronght on the Revohition whieh resulted in tho freedom of the Uni el States. The British govsrament told ns that the colonies had jast so ranch righlfl as thë crovvn dolegwted to them, and no inore. The eoli.niss replied that they did not reoeiv) the'r ii;hts fri.m the crown, bit from God Al mighty, and that they intended 'o maintain and defend tho-it. right. And it was because tho colonies would not auknouieJgü the preposteróos claim set tip by the British governmetit t that tho Declaration of Tndopendeneo f was put forth and the baltlo ot the 1 olution were fought. Thirs, the war 1 or the Revolution was fonght ior the rigbt of the people, in colonies or in I Territories, as well as in Statas, to govern thetnselvaa and to regfiltit their own doniestie concern?. Noiv, if we allow the peop'e ot the Territoriea to govern thomselves and to regúlate tho.ir own affairsin aojordano with the coiistitutioo of tho United I States, we shall h:ive hannony batwöen the North and the Sootb, ttic Eat and the West, and this Union cao la-t forever en thesarr.e priscipleaas those on wliich it was originally inundad. He would ask why the time of i'ongress should bo ffirever ooonpiéd in the disütiisi'in and njfitatífm of this question of .lavery? W hy, i f one oi the citizens bufore him h;n! on honeit demáiKl a-ain.-t the govermient, and should ask his representativo on his return home why that claim liad not been pasead, thó antwer would be, there liad not been time - Üie w'io'o session had been oeoupiod wiili the discussiou of the slavery questioa. When the people oí California inqnire why the Pacific Railroad pnveoi has not boen pushed forword, and why mail routes have not been Inid out, the reply ia, thora wis rio time - the slavery question luid occupied it all. When the, people of PenhitylvTima ask why DO revisión oí the tariff h.is been ni;i.le- why their itVerests havo not been protcütod - their representativas excuse themselves by pleading want ol' time. And so in regard to every material inte. estol' the country, which is cast nside because the time of Conrivs;; is taken up with the discus-ion of this (nes io:i of shivcry Now, will it not lie wiso to exciude that question of slnvery ff.rever from Congres.=, and to leave the people free to decide it for themsclvos? [Shonta ol "Yes, yo-!" and load appltime J That wad the principie establifthed by the öorapronaiaa weasin-es of ÏSO That was the principie that was carriod into effect bv the great Clay and the nimortal Webster in 1850. [Loud applause.] That was the, principie established in the wiiig pjatfor,nof L852, and in the don catie platform ol' the samo year. That is Aa principio to which he democratie party now stands pl(id,nl, and the only principie npoa which the friends of tbe Union and of the conatitution can now nilly to put down both northorn and southern sec tionaisin and to toro peuce to the BOBOtry. (Cheors.) He foared he had been led into roiiKirks upoa the subjeot that migbt bo 'deemod political. fio did not iut'.'i'd this year lo enter into :ny diícussions of a politioal or parij r.haracter, bnt he had Bupposd th:it bid frieneh who had thua hoaored him had cxpecfed him to naake somo few ro marka on tho general topics of ioterost nt the present time, and lio liad uevar vet learned ta oönceal his opicion whenover it was desired by his friend [ Loud applause. ) Henee he was in the habit of exprosaing his opinión in plain language that ooold not bo well mi uuderstood, and yet lie boped in auch a a manner as to reader it itnpossible that he coiild give otïenca, even to those wli chanoed to hu his politica! oppoceota. He renewed ïm thanks lor tbe magnificant reoeption extended to h:m, one that had surprised and deligbted hiin, and would now take his leuve by bidding hia frioiuls good-night, Tre cnthusiasin during the addresr-, and tbroughout the line of march, was anequaled, and, even more than Üiq ntimoera present, iodicatos the wanuness of friendship with whio.hJudge Doligtflï 8 huüud by his friends. The proceedinga did ttot tenninate tül after mtdnigbt,