Free Trade And Farmers' Rights--what Has Been Gained

j-iio juicago Tribune takes t'io Jxalion soverely to task for asserting that tho " farmers' movement " has "failedsocom" pletely that thero is no littlo interest in " in tho sobjoct," and at sorue longth recites tho political revolutious in tho various Western States as a proof of tho vitality of tho " new party." Tho Nation and the Tribune, liko tho men in tho fablo of tho chameloon, " lioth are right and botli aro wrong." The Nation crrs in assuming that no benefits have accrued to the Western farmers from thoir attempt to secure legislativo control of tho railroads. It is true that no opportunity has been offered in Illinois fairly to test the powers of the State to control chartered corporations, sinco a logal decisión upon the constitutionality of tho Iïaiiroad and Warehouse Commissioners' act has not yet been obtained ; but no observer can doubt for a moment that the power of the State will ultimately bo affirnied, even if by tho slow procoss of replacing railroad judges like Lawrence by anti-monopolist judges like Craig. Long ero that period, however, tho ïailroads, finding that tho farmers have the power to oxocute their pleasure, will accept the situation and meet them upon tho basis of coinmon advantage and mutual concossion. But in Illinois one great reform has been effected by the decisión of Judge Tipton, in re tho Gilman, Clinton and Spriugfield Railroad. The courts havo practically declared their intontion of abolishing the shameful system upon which so many Western railroads have been built and operated. A ring of penniless spoculators woüld secure a charter, obtain heavy bonuses from the municipalities along the lino which issued bonds in exchangd for stock, sell theso bonds and mortgage tho road, let extravagant contracts to theniselves for its construction, issue fraudulent certificates of indebtednoss, make iniquitoua contracts for futuro supplies and transportaron, and then, having issuod the remainder of the capital stock to themselves, lease the road to tho monopoly it was dosigned to combat in consideration of roceiving interest on their bogus bonds. The Gilman, Clinton and Springfield case shows that tho fraudulent indebtedness will bo wiped out, the flagitious contracts annulled, tho unrighteous. directors removed, and the propriotorship of the roads vested in the municipalities which wore tho original and only stockholders. Had the Nation noted the numerous cases of this kind in which proceodings havo been instituted or investigation is making, it would hardly have affirmed that tho agitation had boen fruitloss of present good. And had it contemplated the saving, toboreckoncd by millions of dollars, which has resulted from co-operative buying and selling, and the gain to tho agricultural class, which is not to be reckoned by millions or by money, which has accrued and will iccruo from compavison of views and the acquisition of tho consciousness of power which increases power, it would have paused ere stating that no one " profoss ed to flnd it a series subject." Tho Chicago Tribune errs with tho iVtition in entirely omltting to tako into account the economie and social considerations of tho question, and in its estímate of tho political results and prospects of the movement errs. To the Chicago Tribune the farmers' movoment - that spontaneous, simultaneous, and universal upriaing of the oppressed, plundered, and hoodwinked millions against monopoly in all its forms - railroad rings, tariff rings, bank rings, political rings - is the work of one Illinois newspaper and three of its retainers who hope to be sent to Congress. It talks of the vitality of the farmers' associations formed for political acfion independent of existing organizations, when the Illinois State Association, claiming to cast 70,000 votes, cannot raise enough monoy to print its annual proceedings. It claims that every where the " new party " is moving for ' the modification and uLtitnato overthrow of the present strous protecuve tarín, wnen tne ininois Association declinad to pass a resolution affirming in ten words opposition to protection and thjjleading spirit of that Association is a creature of the Joliet and Springfield iron-founders. All this is in strict keeping with the declaration, whether inspired by ignoranco or disingenuousness, that neither the ühio nor New York Democratie platform contained a definite expression ef faith on the topics of the tariff and the currency, - the fact being that sounder doctrine in more explicit language was nover affirmed in any political platform under the sun. The fact is that the attempt of a few Western politicians and journalists - who could not dig their way back into the party they left and to beg admission to the other party were ashamed - to capture the farmers' movement has utterly failed. Tho farmers havo discovered that they can effect reforms, but that these are not to be attained by throwingoverboard one man who is a political trickster, and following another who is ambitious of becoming a political trickstor. They are educating themselvgs, freeing themselves froni partisan blindness, discovering that a thief is a thief even though he was a quartermaster ten years ago. It is this moral effect which may be relied upon to work a wonderful reform within the next two years. And it is this declaration of intelligence within party lines which gives the farmers their strength. They can compel the party to nomínate none but good men, and can compel these nominees to be honest in the administration of affairs. It is this which has peüed the líepubhcan President to decline interference in Texan affairs and obliged the Republican party to promise soino tard y j nstico to outraged Louisiana. The secossion of a definito number of its supporters and the formation of a " nev Iarty " in 1872, evea witli an election pending, did not sufiice to accomplish as much. This much tho "independent" press niay lay to inind. The present inovement is a protest exelusively direeted against Itepublicanism. In the natural course of things the protesting farmers have taken up Democratie principios. Thero is no neutral ground between. The " new party " could offur notbing which the rejuvenated Democracy had not already provided, and would possess none of the advantages of an existing and efficiënt organization. Tho differenco between Eepublicanism and Democracy is that between a party founded on expediency and a party foundod on principie, between placemen and statosmen. The Eepublican party of 1875 can give no valid cuse for its