Hon. Henry Chamberlain

Kalakazoo, S.'pt. 11, 1K74, Hun. Hiiiirv ühamberliiiu, Three I laki . i Couniy Michigan : Bill- I havo the liouor to notify you, that, on the lOtb iiiBt., yon were unanimou.-ly uominatcd by the Democratie Conven tirm, hold at Kalaniazoo, tor ttio oflico of Governor of Ihis State, and tü rcijucst your nceeptance of the game. Inoloeed I ii ;i n. 1 you i oopy of the resolutions adüpted by t,h Couvention. Awaiting your Brtrly and favornble reply, L havo the honor to tic, sir, Vcry respectfully yours, Poster Peatt. Chttirinan State Beniüeiutio Comuutlee. ÏHRKH OAKS, BïEEIBN COITNTY. Mlch., ) Sspt. Il, 1S74. S Foster l'ratt, M. D , Ghfwrmau State Democratie Coiiiiiijttue : Mï Dear Hik- Ycur letter oftho llth in8t., giving iue official noticu of my nomination, by tho Stftte Dumooratic Convtntion, fur the ofïioe of is recoivod. This is a nomination I did not desire; I havo nuver aspireil to fill the bigheet and most honorable position in tho gift of tho people of Michigan. Private interesta and a wish to avoid the bilities of a canvais, to say nothing of those belonging to the office, prompt me to decline; bnt a due dcference to tlie wishes of my friends, as represented in the large Convention held at Kalamazoo, conatrains me to accept tbeir nouiination with all the labors und responsibiiities i.t may involve Having no opinions to concebí, and wishing that every voter who has any interest in knowiug my views on the questions whieh may be affected by tbe position to which I ain norninated, may be f'ully infonned thereon, I beg leaWi to givo (hem to the people us brioiiy as pussible in this cumiuuniuation. Bound by no partisan traditions, holding firmly and fearlessly to the great principies which underlie our democralicropublican forui of grovernmimt ; having f uil faith in the intelMgènoe, capacity and iutegrity of the people; confident that the experiment of a free governruent of the peoplo by the people is not as yet a failure; 1 beliuve tbat true statesnianship consi?ts not ooly in adnüuistering to the want of the peoplp, but ülso in paying a decent respect to tbeir nonest prejudices. Il' wo do the present duty and look hopefully to á glorious and happy future of ali the people of our coniinou countrj', we will be able, by enacting and enforcing jast and equal laws, to remedy existing evils and to reform existing abuses. I hold tbat all public offioers are but the servauts of the peojile, that they are accountable to thein for all thoir official acts, and bound to obey tbeir will as axpressed in the organic uid stututory luw. The public books, papers, accounts and monejs kept or held by them should be at all times subject to the inspuction of the people or their aothorizecl agente. The servant is'not above bis master, and should not be sustained in refusing to give tbe information in bis possession whioh au employer bas tho right to deinand and receive froui his employé. ïhe practioe of coilecting large amounts oi' nioiiey fioni tüe people, in advance of the time it is needed tor necessary expense or appropriations, is unwise, and tho loaning of that itoney to favorites and of retaiuing the wholé ur any part of the interest thereou tor private or partisan purposes, is corrupting, is dangerous, and must be abundoned. For years I have advocated the necessity and propriety of yearly examinations of the accounts and moneys kept or held by all public officers of the State or couuty, by a properly authorizod committee of experts. Ño reason eau be given why the same care and scrutiny should not be ézersund iu the exainination of the accounts of public officers which a prudent man will use in bis ovvn affairs whea intrusted to thy care of agents or clerks. jhe experience of a large nuuiber of States, and of inany couuties and cities, has shown, especially of late, that thure is no safety in intrusting such examination to a corumittee of partisans. We need prompt rpforin iu this matter. The burdens of tnxation, nationnl, State and municipal, are greater thun we can bear in the present depressod eondition of a!l business, greatfer than we ought to bear at auy time except when neoessary to pay our houest debts or in time of war. Our minos searcely pay i'ar working ; our faetones are idle or running at a loss; our lumbermen are idle or cutting valuablü timbar at a loss ; our méchanos, artisans and laborors are without euiployment, or working at wugcs that are not equal to the oost of living, ïhe business of merchants stands still. The produce of our farms issellingat less than the cost of production, with a prosrject of yet lower pnces. In such a state of att'airs our only hope is in the most rigid economy in all omprivate and public expenditures. We must maintain and support all the oflicers necessary to execute the hiws and pay them such salaries as persons in private employments roceive for similar services and no more. Our necessary educational, charitable, reformatory añd ijenal institutions must be supported and sustamed, but the most rigid economy, consistent with the safe keeping of mal, the comfort ot tho unfortunate, aud the proper education ot' our children must be rigidiy enfurced. While the amount of taxation in an important matter, the method of raising tho necessary revenue is of equal import anee. It ia a fact patent to all, that under our present system vc.ry muoh of the property in the State escapes paying its just proportion on the necessiüy expense of protecting it, while its owners, who pay no tax share with their t'ellow citizens who do pay in tho benefit of our schools and charitable iustitutions. Farms, stock and impleinents, houses and lots iu our cities and villages, merounudise and mauufacturing establishments pay all the taxes except such as are specific. I know of no good reason why all the property in the State, except such as may be exempted on account of the indigence of its owners or such as is used for charitable purposes, should not bear its just share of the expenses of the government and of its institutions. Experience dearly bought, during the early history of the State, in the creation of a largo debt for internal improveraents, taught ourfathers who framed the present Constitution, the expediency of guarding against the coutraction of debt, and wisely limited the amount of indebtedness which might be incuried for any purposo. Had they foreseen that what was forbidden to be done directly would be done indirectly, and provided against it, the heavy burdens now borne by towns and cities for railroad aid would not hang as a mortgage over the estáte of our people I aui of the opinión that the power of school districts and of i uiunicipalities to incur debts should bu i curtailed if not entiroly abolished, ex i cept in extraordinary etnergenoies. The debts already incuried will umloubtedly be paid, but not without causiug great suft'ering to iuimy. The popular ieoling toward chartered corporatious and monopolies is Bot new in the political history ot' this uountry. Many of the questions now raised were very fully discussed by the generatiou of statesmen that have just pnssod away. Before thuy were satisfactorily or permanontly settled, tbese questions were driven froui th thoughts of the people by other and diiferent quostions vrhich have absorbed their minds for tho last twenty years. The peoplu aro again beginning to inquire, as they did forty years ago, why it is that a nuiriber of persons associated toguther, with a corporato power of succession, for the purpose of Iransauting any business should have auy other or greater powers, priviioges or iminunities than a singlo or private individual. Why are they exeinpt from any of the duties or burdens whioh bofir upcm all other cilizens!' It is cl iar th&t there is no reason. Railroads have become a great public necessity, without them modern civilization would be incomplete. In the anxiety to obtain them, the people have givon money, lmvo grauted extraordinary piiviic'ifs and havo exempted them froto maiiy ofthu hurdens boiue byotherproperty. Fortimately for the people of this State, the greater oumber ut' their railroads have been built under the general luw, and, by the terms of the Constitutioi], thwir ohttrtera inay at auy time be altered, amended OT repealod. The time is near at hand wlion the power of those built under special churter may be umi 'iided. All special rmilroad cliartcrs and our general railroad law should be so amended as to prohibit and punish the giving of pusses to all public officers, whother executive, legislative or judicial. UnTortunately there is a disputo between the couimon carrier and the people who einploy him, for which no good reason eau be found except in the selfishness comraon to mankind. In any issue that, may bo raiaed on this question, the rights and interests of the people must be maintatned at all hazards. The corporate rights of property are sacred and should not be violated, but the interests of the people are superior to all other interests and must bo maiutained. But no such issue need arise. Il' a. proper spirit of concossion and fair dealing be shown uo such issue can arise. I am not miniiiidful of the fact that our farmers have great roason to complain that their wants and wishes have been denied or postponed uutil a inore convenient season, whieh ha8 not as yet arrived, or that they have been made subservient to the demands of other and more olamorous and better organized intorests. Neither am I uiiniindful that this coinparatively youug Commonwealth has other and varied interests. Though she cannot boast of excelling any State in any one particular productioñ or industry, thure is no other that can claim to exeel her aggregaUd interests ; when, to the products of her fields and orchards are added her productions of salt, copper and silver, her manufactories of wood, iron and textile fabrica, and her mercantile and mechanical interests, she cannot be excelled by any State of her age and wealth. AU these varied interests and pursuits are alike to be fostered and protected, and that, too, without any undue privileges to either. I approve the resolution adopted by the Convention which proposes to amend the State Constitution by repealing that clause which forbids the Legislature to license the liquor traffic. The Legislature should be left free to pass such remedial laws on this question as the experience and the judgment of the people may demarid. That our prohibitory legislation is povverloss to prevent or to restrain thia great evil, is proved by an experience of twenty years. I hope to see as many people of the State as my business and the limited time before the election will permit ; and shall be ready to auswer all questions relating to the duties of tbe office for which I have been noiuinated. With great respect, I am, Very truly yours,