Tilden Talks

In response to resolutions of the National Democratie Couvention, Mr. Tilden writes as follows: Greystone, Occ. 6, 1884. Mr. Cbairman and Geiitlemen oí the Commlttee: - I tliank you for the kind terms in which youliave communicated the resol utious concerning me, adopted by the late Democratie National convention. I bhare yóur conviction that reform in the administration of the federal government - which is our great national want, and is indeed essential to the restoration and preservaron of the governraent itself - san only be achieveci through the agency of the Democratie party, and by installing its representativo in the chief magistracy of the United States. The noble, historical traditions of the Democratie party, the principies in which it was edueated, and to whioh it has ever been in the inain faitLful, its freedom from corrupt iufluences which grow up in the prolonged possession of power, and the nature of the elementa which constitute it, all contribute to qualify it for that mission. The opposite characteristics and conditious which attach to tho Republican party, make it hopeless to expect that that party will be able to give a better goverrmtent than the debasing system of abuses which, during its ascendency, has infected ofIi3ial and political Ufe in this country. The Democratie party had its origin in the tfforts of the more advanced patriots of the revolution to resi3t the perversiun of our government from the ideal contemplated by the people. Among its conspicuous founders are Benjamin Franklinand Thomas Jefïerson, Simuel Adams and John Hancock, df Massachusetts, George Clinton and Ejbert It. Livingston of New York, and George Wythe and Jame3 Mdisou of Viiginia. From the eltci.ion of Mr. Jefferson as president in 1800 for sixty years the Democratie party .mainly directed our national policy. It extended the boundaries of the republic and laid the foundations of all our national greatness, while it preserved the limïtations imposed by the constitution and maintained a simple and pure system of domestic administration, On the other hand the Republican party bas always been dominated hy principies which favor legislation for the benefit of particular classes at the expense of the body of the people. It has become deeply tainted with the aGuses which naturally grow up during loug possession of unchecked power, especially in the period of the civil war and false flnance. The patriotic and virtuous elementa in it are now unable to emancípate it from the sway of the selflah interests which subordínate public duty to personal greed. The most, hopeful of the best citizens it coutains despair of its amendment except throught its temporary expulsión from power. It has been boastingly asserted by a modern Massachuaetts statesman, stiuggling to recoacile himself and his folio wers to their Presidential candidate, that the Kepublican party con? tains a disproportionate share of the wealth, the culture and the intelligence of the country. The unprincipled Grafton, when taunted by James II. with his personal want of conscience, answered; "That is true, but I belong to a party that has a great deal of conscience." Such reasonera forget that the same claim has been made in all ages and countries by the defenders of old wrongs against new reforms. It was anegad ty the Tories ot the American revolution against the patriota of thatday. It was repeated agaiast Jefferson and af ter wards against Jackson. It is alleged by the Conservativos agaiust those who, in England, are now endeavoring to enlarge the popular suffrage All history shows that reforms in gwernment must not be expected froin tliose wlio sit serenely on the social mountain tops enjoving the beneflts of the exisiing order of things, Even the divine Author of our religión found Ilis followers not among the self-complaceut Pharisees, but among the lowly rninded fishermen. The Republican party is largely made up of those who iive by their wits, and who aspire in p Jitics to advant:iges over the rest of mankind, similar to those which their daily lives are devoted to securing in private business. The Democratie party consista largely of those who live by the work of their hands, and whose pulitieal action is governed by their sentiments or imngination. It results that the Dsmocraüo pai ty, more readily than the Rnpublicau party, can be uiolded to the support of reform mensures which itivolve a sacrifice of selfiah interests. The indispensable necessity of our times is a chauge of administratiou in the great executive offices of the country. Tliis, in my judgment, can only be accomplished by the election of the Democratc candidate3 for President and yice-Presidfiit. (Signeil) Samuel J. Tilden. To 11. II. Heniy, Paanman, 13. JJStnalley and otuers of the special committee of the Democratie National Committee. IIENDRICKS' ADDRESS. At Muticie. Ind., on September 6, Ex-Governor Hendricks delivered an interesiing addresá to an immense audience. In the course of nis speech he said : It is now twenty-live years that the Republisan party has controUed the adiuiuistrative and executive affairs of tliia country, and it is of the first imuortance that you and I should consider the question whether that is as long as one set of men ought to continue in absolute control. In other words, the queation is bef ore us; Ought not there to be a change? That is the first question that strikes your attention and mine, How mu.cn has transpired since the Bepublioan party oatne into power - and 1 do not choose to inolude in that period the period of the war? I ask your attention only for the last nineteen years during which that party has contrulled the administrative and executive affaire of the country. I could not flnd flguves or words to express to you the onormous sums of money that have been colleeted and the enormous pums of money that have been paid out. I will refer by way of illustration only to one year, the last year as reported by the Secretary of the Treasury. The collections and expenditures amounted to $663,000,900. The history of those tranmotiona is found in many thousand volumes and i hey were recorded by manj thousand men - men bi-lmging to one party only. No Democrats have been allowed to participate in any of the affairs of the country. I spaak in subatance. An occasional Dsmocrat may have been allowed an office, but for the great purposes of administering the affairs of the goveririnect the Democrats have been excluded, and to you men the question is presen ttd now. Ought there not to be a change ? Who knows what is wrong in the booka? Shall they be opened ? Shall there be an opportunity for us men to know what has been wrocg in the records of the country, so that we may know whether it is well or ill with the country? May I ask your attention to another illustratiou on this subject? Ido not claim that one politica; party, in the flrst place, in its organizttion is probably any more honest than the other. If we had no political parties in the country, and were going to establish two political parties, and were to run a line through this crowd, and the men on that side were to be of one party and the men on this side of the other party, the chances ai e there would be just as many honest men on one side as on the other, and as many rogues on one side, perhaps, as on the other. But take anothe r step in this thought. Suppose this party comes into power and it becomes established that, it is going to return to power for twenty years, have the control of the offices, the control cf tho money, and of the country. Don't you see that all the rogues on this side would gradual ly come over and join the stront tide? Isn't that human nature? Aud more than that- don't you know as they come over they would gradually push honest men on this side back and back until they would take control of the ■dumiuant party themselves? To a very large extent that would prove to be the human nature of the case. Without discussing the question whether the Republican party has beea guilty of a great fraud, for I leave that to your own reflections, I assume the ground that when a party has been in power exclusively, not allowing the other party to participate in the alWrs ef the governmeut for a long period of time, there ought to be a chauge that the people may come to know with some degree of certainty how it is with their affiirs I cries of "we will haveit tkis fall." Yes, sir, you are going to ha te it this fall." I don't expect, gentlemen, that all the men ia offices vvill ba turned out. I do not desire that where a Republicau, goverened by his couscientious convictions, has been in office and has proven himself to be a true and honest man in the administration of that office, I do not ask that he stiall be turned out. But I ask that honest men shall be placed ín office sufficiently numerous to give the people of this country information in regard to their affair3. I have one step f urther to go in this argument. I aio trviug to establish the propsition that there ought now to be a change. I do not know why the Rgpublicans for the last nineteen years have said to every Deniocrat, you shall have no position in the control of theaffairs of the goverument. They have seen fit to occupy that position, a cruel, proscriptive pjlicy, excluding every man that did not agiee witn them, and what do you thiuk of it, my countrymen? Shall it be continued any longer? [Cries of ""Nu!"] To what condition have we come?" 1 refer now to the statement made by Mr. Calkins, Republican candidate for governor, in a speech at Kichmond a few days ai?o. He said we now have $400,000,000 in the treasury. Do you know how he carne to say that? He said that by way of braggadocio - by way of a taunt to the Democrats. He said the Kepublican party when it cama into power found an empty treausury, and now it has $4G0 000000 in the treadury. Do you waat IQ hear me express my opinión of what is a fortúnate condition of the country? Well it is aot in having a treasury overflowing. It is not in the coüeotion from the people of untold mülions of woney that it may be hid away in the vaults of the treasury. At Washington to-day they are digging iiew vaults, adding to the old vault so as to find room for putting away the people's currency. It is a matter of joy, is it, that the Republicans have now in the treasury $400,000.000? And that, gentlemen, is half of the pap r currency of the country, and more. The paper currency of the country isabout $700.000,000, and of the currency of tbe country there is locked up in the treasury $400,000.000. Do you desire that? If so, vote for Mr. Calltfns, vote for the Republican candidate for president, for they bonst to you that they bave locked up $400 000,000 of your money. What right has the government to $100,000,000 of the peopls money that ithas no occasion to use in the administration of itsaffairs? What would be the tff-'ct if the taxes were reduced so that the money would come back into your pockets and into the channels of trade? Dun'c you know that it would stimulate enterprise? Don't you know that it would eive employ inent to laborers ? S all Istop now aDd speak of tho present condition of our country ? Four years ago, when, you know, it was flusher titnes, and everything was well with th people, wheat was worth $1.20. and labor was well paid, and a Rupublican orator came to you and said: "My countrymen, won't you 'et wellenough alone? Are you willing to turn a party out that has brought you such prosperity and put a party in that you do not know what will he the consequence ? And to that appeal the people listened. How is it now? Are men emüloyed? Are f urnaces throwing out flre and sojoko that indícate iuccessful enterprise and industry? I have here frooi au Indianapolis paper of last evening, perhaps the best edited paper of the Republican party in that city, the News, a statement of the amount of failures that have recently taken place in the coun'ry. It isa dispatch from New York, that the business failures throughout the counrry the last seven days, as reported to R. G. Dun & Co. - and they are great luthorities on that subject - number, for the Unitpd States, 199. for Canada, 14, total 233, as against 196 last week, showing an increase of 17 failures this week over last week. In other words, it is 8 per cent more for the week t hat ended yestexday than for the W6ek before that, an increase of failures of 8 per cent., and how can it be other wise when there is thisenormous portion of the people's eurrency locker up in the vauli ut thé treasury ? Send that money into the channels of trade and wheat won't sell at a begging tnarketfor 62 cenia,72 cents and 78 cents a bushel. It is 50 cents a busliel less to-day than when you elected a Republican candidate four years ago who made James G. Blaine Seoretary of state, and if you have your mortg3ge to pay or interest upon it, countiug a pushel for $1, it takes a good many more bushels now to pay the interest on your mortgage debt than it did four yenrs ago, and when you come to pay your mortgage off it willtakea good many more hundred bushels than it did a good wbile ago, They do not say to you now, as they did four years ago, let well enough alone. ]t is not well enough, it is bad enough. When you see men out of employment you maykuow there is trouble somewhere. God wrote it in early days of our race, that by the sweat of his brow man shall earn his bread, but it did seem that thero was coupled with that Divine sentiment that perhaps a man should have a chance to earn bread by the sweat of his brow, but it is not so now with all. There are some that can not get employment to earn their bread. I have understood that oue of the establishments in this city that gave employment not long since to one hundred hands is now closed down. There is no employment there any more, and so it is with the old rollingmill at Indianapolis, that formerly eoiployed hundreds of men. It is silent no w as is the graveyard across the way. The stimulant of labor, the stimulaiit of enterprise and life, of activity, ;s dead. It is locked up in the nation's treasury, and the Demócrata say a changeof poücy to reducá taxation will make it easier upon the peoplö and the burden lighter. Ttiere are a few other matters about which, probably, I ought to speak to you this afternoon. The Republicana have pretty much given you and me up, my ordinary fellow-citizens. They have pretty much given up the Swedes and Danés, and I believe they have come down hard and heavy upon our Irish fellow-cicizens. Wlien they come to the conclusión that they can get Irish voters the are pretty much gone up themselves. It will be pretty mucha flisappointment whea November comes around. That is my predicUon. I think, I know it is so in the neighbor: hood where I live. Why, I said the other day atConnersville thatan Irishnian was a Dational Democrat. That is pretty muck the truth. For one hundred years he has been with the Democrats. He remernbers the day when Kuow-Nothingism wasrainpaut in the country, and that the Democratie party was the champion of a f ree nadouand the foreiguer's right to occupy our country along with the rest of us. I thiuk it is a bad day when the Republicans have to rely on the Irish vote. The Irish know where their friends have been in the past. Now, my fellow cir.izens, I thiuk I can say to you this afternoon that our cause will be successf ui this year. Wb have a candidate for president that has borne himself with distinguished credit and honor in the high offices which he has heretufore ülled. He has borne himself with credit in the city which proinoted him to be the chief magistrate of that city. He has borne himself with great credit as chief magistrate of the greatest of the states or the Union. Substantial objection bas not been made to his administration. He is to-day supported by the ablest men of the Republican party. The Independents of New York, of Connecticut, Masaachusetts and of Indiana say he is worthy of their supp irt, They have many reasons for that support. There are better assurances of good government, of American protection every where and under all eircumstauces if Governcr Cl vtland be made president instead of James G. Blaine, and with such support in additiou to the earnest zeal of the Democracy in favor of his election, I can entertain no doubt, of the result. A paper the other day fuund fault wiih me because, with my lmt in my hand, 1 stood in the presence of my countrymen and asked of them their support, and if they fail to fiad any other charge against toe except that, they may go to - Halifax. [Lughter As I have stated befere, I did nol desire the nomination for vicepresident eight years ago, I did not desire it at Chicago when whtn with absolute unammity it was conferred upon me, but now thatl have beea nomiuated and have accepted of the nomination I come before you, my fellow-citizens of Indiana, and say to j ou that my heart's earnest desire i8 to receive your support. I wiil bö glad to receive every Democrat's support, I will be very glad of the support of my Republican iriends, of my Greenback and Independent f nends, and when it is all couuted up I have a sort of an impression, very ptrong now, that there is going to be a very decided ruajority in November. 1 do not believe 1 have any doubt about Indiana. Idonotthink jou have. If success for my party does not mean better government, cheaper government, a mure economical administration of public .ff drs, I do not want it to succeed, but upon faitb only I have a right to ask you to try once more. Thl3 party, when it was in power before, was economical in its administration. It cost only a few millions in the administration of Polk, of Pieree, and we have come to a period where young men can not add it up. OFFICIAL ÏNTEGRiTY. Louisville Courier-Jouroal. The issue between official integrity and official corruption could not be more clearly, more strikingly presented than by the nomination of ölaine by one party, and the nomination of Cleveland by ttie other. It is the issue which overshadows all others. It is not personal, not partisan, not sectional;it is not an issue between two opposing theories of government - between two methods of dealing with existing difficultios. The issue raised is one which concerns the very integrity of government. By the nomination of Blaice the people are foiced to face aa serious a quesiion as can be raised in a f ree republic. Blaine is a corrupt man. He prostitute3 his office to private gain. He sells his official influence for mercenary eonsiderations. He uses the power place coDferred against the people ana in favor of individuals and corporations. He conspired with railroad officers and speculative individúala to wrong the people and put money in the treasuries of companies and commercial rings. These are not mere vague rumors; by his own hand has he substantiated them. His mtliods are at war with all that is honorable in politics and fair in commerce. All that he ñas is for sale. He is grasping and ambitious, with no regard for honor, virtue or morality. In every lelation of life self has been his god. He has betrayed every one who has trusted him; and with him the end always justiües every mea:s. The Domination of Glaine was the triumph of no distinctive principie; he stood for no léading idea; his public services have not set him apart as the representative of any ciearly determined policy. His success bas been due to practiies which undermine the virtue of the people. If he stands as the embcdirnent of the principies upheld by the Rupubiican party, the d-struction of that party is essential to the perpetuation of free institutions. No uian in our history has been more false to the principies of representative government than Blaine. He is the creature of corruption and flourishes by it. He has no fith in the integrity, honesty and uprightnes8 of this nation. He 3 appels to no patriotic instinct, to no noble purpose, to no aspiration for real progress and advancement. Ilis allies are thote who buy and sell votes, who deal in n fluence. He is the candidate of the obby, the favorite of all subsidized interests, the tooi of all jobbers. He mauages his own campaign, and usea only those corrupt caeans with which his past expeneuee has made him familiar. He bas no coufldence in the patriotiatn of the American people; he believes his faith and his practices aie level to the popula1 iipprehension, and must win for him popular support. The publication of his letters to Fisher he feels en only injure him with a few supersensitive persons, not with the masses. He sees in them nothing inconsistent with the highest integriiy and strictest sense of honor, and he urges every Anurican to read them. This may be mere bravado, but it shows the depth of bis degn.da. tion, and how put earcpaigns have blunted his sense of right and wrong. An appeal lies to the patriotic men of botli parties. Fora time, at least, mere party lines must be iorgotten, as they were in war times, and all must unite to put down corruption, to rebuke bribery, to cleanse the halls of legislation. The lobby must ue rebuked and the wire-workers restrained. Money must not be allowed uiiiuterrupted sway, and the standard of public morality must not be lowered. Blaine is the type of a classraost dngerous to the repu'jlic - a class to which we trace the Cietiit Mobilier, the Tammany frauda in New York, the plundering of Philadelphia, the systeiuatic whisky frauds and the Star-route contract?. The power of this class bas grown ever sinca the war, and Blaine ia the nominee, not so mucb of the Republican party a3 he :s the nominee of the corruptionists, independent of party rtlalions. In order thal do harrn m.y come to the republic, Blaine must be defeted, let party consequences bö what they may. WAGE WORKERS AGAINST BLAIICE. From the New York Boycotter- Orj ,an of the Uaion Press. The Labor Vote will never be respected or catered to till ii defeits or dtistroys one of the great parties. It makea little differenca in the abstract which party it is, but the workingtnen should show that they will either have fair treatnient or they will pull down the pillara of the temp e. As a matter of policy it is better to destroy the party in power. The effect is feit more keenly. If the Republican party is defeated by the votes of outraged workingmea the Demócrata will be willijg to grant any.bing asked for. Sj far aa the record of both parties on the Labor question ia concerned, the odds aredecidedly against the Republicans. Monopolista naturally floek to the party in power, and the record on Labor rneasv.res in this state shows that the ninj rity of our supporters are ou the Democratie side. Republican offlce-holders gave the state printing to a "rat" office in this state, and it is only a little over a year since Mr. Blaine's close f riends, Plumband Hale, attempted to "rat" the governuient printing office. The bul for a Federal Bureau of Labor statistics passed the Democratie House with a rush and came near being defeated in the Republican Ssnate. The Republican President refuses to flll the office of Commissioner of Labor Scatistics because Mr. Jarret called him a dude. The bilí prohibiting the importation of contract laborers was passed by the Democratie House and shelved by the Republican Senate. We remen - ber no distincüve labor measure whick the Rtputlicans have ever placed ou ihe statute books except the eightliour law, which Rpublicaii ex-executive i'fflcers nulHQrd. On general principies, t.herefore, wc believe that workingmen shonld vote against the Republican party, outsido of our flght. For a man who has been considered smart - even for a sane man - Blaine'a electioneerins methods are exceedingiy transparent, aud.considering that their object is the exalted position of the Presidency, they are pitiable and contemptible. He expresses publicly his pleasure at visiting Cincinnati because "there is a great Germán population their, and wherever you flncl Grtrmaus you ünd great genial ity and hospitaliy." Now let hiin teil those Germans why for thirty years he acte.d with the Prohibitionists in Mriine, and whether today he still syinpathizts with them or not. Germans are not to be caught with this sort of cheap chaff.