Gen. Fred W. Green Joins The Judson Insurgents

GEN. FRED W. GREEN JOINS THE JUDSON INSURGENTS

In An Open Letter He Approves the Stand Wedemeyer Has Taken

Some Interesting Inside History of Past Politics Is Finding Its Way Into Print

Gen. Fred W. Green.

Owing to my position as chairman of the republican county committee of Washtenaw, it seems there is some curiosity as to what position I will take in regard to the Wedemeyer-Judson controversy. Without going into the details of the trouble I will say that in my opinion there is no chance for republican victory in Washtenaw county as long as Judson is in control. Let the rank and file of the party know that Judson is out and we will surely gain the victory at the next county election. I hail with delight any movement that looks toward eliminating Judson from Washtenaw county politics. Wedemeyer has opened the battle and he will find that the party is with him almost to a man. I will do all in my power to forward the good work. -FRED W. GREEN.

DIFFERENT OPINIONS.

Some interesting gossip is current in the state press about the reigning political sensation In Washtenaw. The Tribune has a Detroit interview with a man whom it describes as a gentleman formerly prominent in Washtenaw county politics. Among other things he predicts Wedemeyer's elimination from leadership as he says that Judson is the shrewdest of the local politicians, whom he calls a cheap lot. Washtenaw, he says, is naturally a democratic county and but for democratic mistakes would have remained so. He says that Judson is always true to his lieutenants. Continuing he said:

WASHTENAW POLITICS QUEER.

"Politics in Washtenaw, and especially in Ann Arbor, are queer. It is really necessary, so much do the workers look alike, that they wear labels to tell one brand from the other. In caucuses it has not been unusual to call in voters of the opposite party to carry an election of delegates, and the perennial candidates from inter-party combinations that would puzzle the astute ward boss of Detroit. At one precinct in the county, in which there is a large Negro vote, I have seen the colored contingent corralled in mass for two or three candidates on the democratic ticket, with a republican committeeman instructing them how to mark the ballot. He was jealous of any suggestion on the part of the voter that he would like to vote for some other democrat, but for those who were on the list he had no objection.

"Place your hands together, the fingers interlacing, and you will have a fair sample of the work of the two machines in that county. You will find at any local election workers from each of the parties hustling for some friend on the other side, and among the strongest friendships are those of would-be leaders supposed to be politically opposed.

"Judson has taken advantage of the situation. He is not worse, and presumably not better, than the young men who are now trying to pry him loose from his leadership. He is active, resourceful, and persistent. He is known and loved by the masses of his party - the men who need leadership and cannot be turned from a man they believe is all right. He defeated the last effort to dethrone him, and a relation of the circumstance may perhaps be pertinent at the present time.

JUDSON AND PRIMARY PLAN.

"Some time before the election of 1902, the anti-Judson men were vociferous in their claim that nominations by primary election would end Silent Bill's' power. Members of the county committee, although made such by Judson, became Infected with the idea that he was a 'Jonah,' just as Wedemeyer is now. Seizing upon the primary idea as a possible means of doing him up, a quiet canvass of the committee was made to see if a plan could not be inaugurated to give the party the chance, in spite of Judson, who was supposed to be- and really was - opposed to it.

"The moment the schemers were assured they could carry the point in committee, the plan was published, a meeting was called, and the prediction made that it would reconcile the factions, eliminate Judsonism, and retrieve the loss of two years before. The 'antis' were enthusiastic. Everybody talked of the scheme save William himself. He apparently was out of politics.

"But he was not idle. The committee met, instructed the chairman to proceed with his primaries, and then listened to Judson as he said, jubilantly: 'I have been working for primary elections for the past 15 years, and I am glad that our committee has at last adopted my views.' And he didn't do a thing but capture the primaries just as he would have captured the caucuses. But no strong Judson men, that is, no particular friends of the boss, were nominated for the offices. Those who imagined the feud ended and had the temerity to ask for a nomination got it. Bu Judson knew the 'antis' were dissatisfied and would not vote straight, in spite of the fact that their plan had carried, and he was satisfied to have election go as it did to put his opponents in the hole.

"It is unjust to place upon him the responsibility for the defeat of 1902. He and his followers voted the ticket, and those who had pushed the plan to the front did not. If he is to be thrown overboard as a Jonah, I'd like to have some one point out to me who there is in Washtenaw can reconcile his friends in that county, who outnumber his enemies two to one."

JUDSON'S WANING POWER.

On the other hand a special correspondent of the News from Ann Arbor predicts Judson's absolute downfall and says:

"The discovery at the Detroit convention that Glazier and other Judson lieutenants are preparing to dethrone Judson as the political boss of Washtenaw county forecasts an event which took place really about a year ago, although Judson has hitherto succeeded in concealing the fact from the state politicians. The result of the anti-Judson movement in Washtenaw as to show his lieutenants who had political ambitions that he must be shelved if Washtenaw was not to remain hopelessly democratic; and, besides, they were tired of planning and winning convention moves for which the boss took all the credit, and had grown restive at being exhibited before the state as mere Judson puppets. The boss's arrogant conduct of the spring county convention last year proved the last straw, and ended Judson's supremacy in county politics.

"During the fall campaign one man very close to Judson told a friend privately that for six months no man had had less real Influence In Washtenaw politics than Bill Judson, and that the boss dared not lift his head for he knew it would be knocked flat; that he had been repeatedly forced to indorse in public projects he had fought bitterly, and that all his activity was a bluff to conceal his downfall from the state managers."

THREE REVOLTS.

The correspondent gives what he calls three revolts in 1902. The first was at the congressional convention, where he claims that Judson had promised to throw the Wedemeyer Washtenaw delegation to Bacon but found that he couldn't do it and then went with the rest of the delegation to Townsend, claiming the credit of nominating him.

The second revolt was over the election of state central committeeman, which the correspondent claims Judson got, in opposition to the wishes of the Washtenaw delegation, who were for a Wayne candidate, by the sudden withdrawal of F. S. Neal, of Northville, who was put forward as the Wayne candidate, leaving Judson without opposition.

WASHTENAW'S PRIMARY PLAN.

"The next revolt was in the adoption of the primary election plan in the Washtenaw county nominations. Although the democrats called it a Judson scheme, the boss knew nothing of it till he received Chairman F. W. Green's famous circular to the county committee, purposely held back till only three days before the meeting called to settle the details of the election. The plan was worked up by Gen. Green and a prominent anti, and the only other man in the county who knew of it before the circular proposing it was sent out was Judge E. D. Kinne, who, under pledge of secrecy, was consulted as to its legal features.

"By the time Judson got his circular, Gen. Green had a majority of the county committee on record in favor of the primary election plan, and though Judson tried desperately to defeat the plan, he was overwhelmingly turned down at the meeting and again yielded to the inevitable, pronouncing in its favor, although secretly urging his followers to cause its failure by staying away from the polls, in which he was not very successful.

ALGER'S BAD BREAK.

"In the following campaign most of the antis stood by Chairman Green in support of the ticket so nominated and it really looked as if part of the republican ticket would be elected, although Bliss's action in choosing Judson as his campaign manager exasperated both factions. But when Senator Alger made his astounding break in his Ann Arbor speech, calling Judson 'the man who does everything and whose word always goes,' the republican committee realized certain defeat, and sure enough, Washtenaw resented Alger's indorsement of Judson by giving democratic majorities throughout, from 1,500 against Bliss down to 14 against Townsend.

"In this spring's convention, the boss was not permitted to carry out his favorite plan of letting Kinne name his own delegates, and but for Kinne's own management would have had hard sledding in getting on the delegation at all. The conduct of Wedemeyer and Allen in the Detroit convention and Wedemeyer's subsequent letter, confirm these statements above quoted of Judson's loss of power."